Tusk’s Rhetoric and the Battle for Poland’s Political Image

“By conjuring emotions, Donald Tusk eases the burden of accountability for his words. He avoids answering the most uncomfortable questions by leaning on rhetorical devices that soften scrutiny. His stance against PiS often comes across as a sprint to outpace other opposition groups in radical rhetoric,” observes Prof. Mieczysław Ryba, a historian at the Catholic University of Lublin.

wPolityce.pl provides additional remarks from the Civic Platform leader during his district visits in Silesia. How should these statements be evaluated overall?

Prof. Mieczysław Ryba: Tusk is attuned to the size of his audience in Silesia, which explains the tour. He knows his strength there is limited. The platform has suffered a poor image in this region after past clashes with miners, and he is attempting to rehabilitate that perception by any means possible. Behind the scenes there are program proposals, but the anti-PiS rhetoric and the effort to stir emotions remain central, especially in light of events like the death of Paweł Adamowicz and the suicide of a member of parliament’s son.

Listening to these speeches and the discussions with voters raises many questions. For instance, does Tusk truly grasp what he is doing when he meets people and ends up insulting them and their intelligence? He does so even when questioned about whether he will keep his electoral promises or when he is accused of vowing an unbuildable wall on the border with Belarus.

When he argues with or challenges questioners, emotions rise. These feelings emerge not only among politicians but also among citizens. Emotions are created, and Tusk seems to shed responsibility for his statements by relying on rhetorical devices. This is identified as his method. Overall, his tactic fuels the political conflict surrounding the PiS platform, escalating it to dramatic levels and leaving other opposition voices on the periphery.

Is this a bid to establish a PiS-PO duopoly, leaving little room for other groups to win anti-PiS voters? The aim appears to be uniting the anti-PiS camp under the Civic Platform.

Yet questions persist. Is Tusk genuinely losing his grip, even when he denies ever claiming that the boundary wall with Belarus would not be built? In another moment, under anti-church rhetoric, he argues that anyone who treats the Decalogue as sacred and believes in divine Providence should not vote for PiS. Is this strategy a display of madness or cynicism?

Cynicism to the tenth power seems to be the verdict. Years in Brussels and political comebacks appear to have dulled his sense of rationality and sanctity. He champions abortion rights while invoking the Decalogue with the commandment not to kill. The contradictions resemble chaos, yet they function to draw attention to PO and diminish competition from other opposition parties. The extremes do not interfere with one another.

Tusk has also signaled a willingness to abandon PSL and Poland 2050, accepting the reality of a coalition. He does not stop at calling for a single list, and his primary interest lies with Szymon Hołownia’s party to win over its remnants, given PSL’s stable electorate. Merely stating he will not attack this coalition does not mean there will be no attacks.

In a recent interview with wPolityce.pl, Władysław Teofil Bartoszewski openly challenged Tusk over proposals that conflict with the Polish Constitution. It also involved announcements about Adam Glapiński’s resignation as NBP chairman and certain judges on the Constitutional Tribunal, as well as the contemplated restructuring of public television channels that criticized Tusk.

Within PSL there appears to be a split in outlook: one faction aligns with Kosiniak-Kamysz, another with a more explicit future alliance. The latter, exemplified by Marek Sawicki, considers a possible coalition with the right and views Tusk as a threat to PSL and other opposition entities, a stance reflected in statements by Bartoszewski.

Tusk continues to frame anti-PiS as the Civic Platform’s strongest program. The question remains whether there is a broader platform of policies behind that stance.

The core idea persists: anti-PiS is a contest among opposition groups for radicalism. Still, Tusk occasionally introduces social ideas such as zero percent credit for apartments, a concept nicknamed the universal grandmother, a four-day workweek, or a 20 percent increase for all. Those proposals often fade quickly from memory because they appear incompatible with the liberal image associated with PO.

Tusk’s credibility on these matters is perceived as low by many, yet he presses on, expanding the policy field he touches. The scale of these ideas expands, especially as PiS already commands credibility due to its programmatic record. Tusk imitates a strategy of broad, aggressive proposals to capture attention and push the conversation forward.

There are even echoes of Roman Giertych in the sense that Tusk, like him, tests new ground daily to see what resonates. The political weather suggests that, despite inflation, rising energy prices, and the war in Ukraine, the polls have not tipped in PO’s favor as once hoped.

Some analysts think Tusk fears that the party’s media base might eventually push Rafał Trzaskowski to lead, rather than him. That tension helps explain the nervous, strategic moves observed, which may be aimed at ending the competition by strengthening the opponent’s position in the process. A recent Gazeta Wyborcza poll hints at the possible motives behind this dynamic.

The Confederation is gaining attention, with support climbing toward ten percent. Will it become a tipping point before the election? It could. The bloc does not merely attract a hard-right electorate. Two young figures within it, Bosak and Mentzen, have drawn attention away from Korwin-Mikke and Braun in the media, and their appeal seems to resonate with Hołownia’s voters as well. It may also draw in some entrepreneurs who favor economic freedom over expansive social transfers.

What about image innovations? Hołownia is tied to PSL in some analyses, but what exactly is his novelty? Tusk’s current stance hints at a shift toward economic socialism. Young entrepreneurs who previously supported the Platform might be losing faith.

In this view, the Confederation’s unexpectedly strong standing looks less like a blip and more like a developing trend. Mentzen may mobilize a substantial slice of the electorate by challenging Tusk, with a blunt line about political dynamics. While older voters might react unfavorably, younger voters could be more receptive, especially among the TikTok and smartphone set.

The comparison to Paweł Kukiz is instructive. Kukiz’s error was aligning with PSL and watching his influence fade. Hołownia has followed a similar path by courting a broad electorate but failing to clearly distance himself from anti-Tusk sentiment, which limits his appeal. Bosak and Mentzen maintain a shared approach within the same faction of the Confederation, energized by younger supporters.

The interview was conducted by Radosław Molenda.

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— The PO leader accuses PiS of collaborating with the Confederacy. Mentzen’s peculiar reply: Tusk can jump where Morawiecki can kiss

— TOTAL DISGRACE! Donald Tusk caught in a lie. PO leader: “I never said the wall wouldn’t be built.” What actually happened?

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— Tusk keeps playing theologian. “You’re Catholic, do you understand Jesus? You cannot vote for PiS or the Confederation”; “For God’s Love”

Source: wPolityce