The 2019 results across the Valencian state highlighted several key leaders: in Pinoso, Los Montesinos, La Nucia, Finestrat, Formentera del Segura, and Xaló, the mayoral race produced the strongest showings. In the first two towns, PSPV-PSOE held the reins, followed by the People’s Party in the next three, and finally the Reconciliation Party in Formentera del Segura. Looking ahead to the 28M electoral horizon, analysts noted a potential shift toward bipartisanship, with socialists and conservatives seeking broader, self-sufficient majorities that reduce the need for cross-party agreements to govern effectively.
The PP case illustrates a clear objective: secure a governing majority in Alicante city while managing internal unease sparked by the campaign launched by Luis Barcala. They also aim to replicate or widen majorities in larger municipalities, following strategies seen in Benidorm under Toni Pérez and Torrevieja under Eduardo Dolón. PSPV is likewise pursuing consolidation in municipalities where they already enjoy an absolute majority, such as Elda, led by Rubén Alfaro, or Alcoy, just one councilor short under Toni Francés. This political landscape remains highly intricate because both blocs exert influence across overlapping urban spaces.
Party messaging suggests the most decisive factor for achieving the largest majorities—voter proximity and the perceived practicality of municipal services—can trump party initials. This is evident in cases like Pinoso, where city councilor Lázaro Azorín captured a commanding 69.9% of the vote. Conversely, in the regional contest of 2019, the PP obtained 25.58% while PSPV secured 23.74%, underscoring the localized nature of turnout and preference.
Empathy
Asked to describe the secret to his success, Azorín replied that truly listening to citizens, understanding their needs, and actively contributing to municipal services makes the difference. Since 2020, he has also received recognition for leadership, including a geriatrics hostel long promised by the town. He points to the Edificant Plan as a tangible achievement, noting investments in education across the municipality and substantial projects in districts such as El Rodriguillo, where a treatment facility project was funded with around one million euros. This emphasis on tangible results reinforces the mayor’s appeal to a broad electorate.
During the campaign, Azorín’s team presented PSPV as the umbrella of the administration, but once votes were cast, the focus shifted to serving all residents of Pinoso. He stresses that voters can distinguish candidates from party labels and that a winning majority helps keep Pinoso prominently on the state map.
Socialist José Manuel Butrón, mayor since 1991, has led the city council for over three decades and seeks a ninth term this year. In 2019, he garnered 63.56% of the vote, translating to seven council seats, with three for the PP and one for EUPV. Butrón emphasizes accessibility and community ties, noting that in a town of about 5,600 inhabitants, familiarity breeds trust. He credits a strong slate of council colleagues and a steady stream of subsidies for the town’s growth and development.
The leaders achieving the largest vote margins among the PP ranks include Finestrat’s Juanfran Pérez Llorca, a key figure in the regional structure aligned with Carlos Mazón. Pérez Llorca earned 64.25% in the last cycle, delivering ten council seats to the PP versus three for PSPV. His guiding principle is simple: listen closely, stay close to constituents, and adapt management accordingly, a creed reflected in survey-driven approaches.
Deputy
In La Nucía, MP Bernabé Cano, a name lately in the headlines for advancing vaccination timelines, stands as another strong-performing mayor with 63.73% of the vote in prior cycles. That success translated into thirteen council seats, with three for PSPV and one for Ciudadanos. Cano emphasizes improving daily life, prioritizing residents’ futures and enhanced services as the core mission. The La Nucía of the 21st century will hinge on sustained momentum, teamwork, and project-driven growth, he notes, with plans spanning sports, education, and culture.
Meanwhile, Francisco Cano in Formentera del Segura outpaced peers with 64.41% of the vote, outstripping the PP’s performance in Finestrat and La Nucía. He cites “commitment, enthusiasm, and hard work” as essential tools that have sustained the PP in power since democracy began in 1979. In Vega Baja, PP and PSPV activity concentrates on consolidating or expanding influence across key towns, a dynamic shaping the region’s electoral map as 28M approaches.
Beyond the two big blocs, Compromís surpassed the 60% threshold in Xaló in 2019, with 63.37% of the votes. Mayor Joan Miquel Garcés currently holds eight of eleven seats and hints at stepping back after this term. In Marina Alta, Valencia’s regional supporters play a visible role, with Gerard Fullana serving as a prominent council spokesperson and positioning for a possible Generalitat slate after internal primaries.
Next challenges
With large majorities on the horizon, PSPV and PP begin 28M ready to either secure fresh control or strengthen what they already hold. The Socialists appear competitive in Villena, where their council parity with the PP suggests a potential majority shift under Mayor Fulgencio Cerdán. That outcome often proves pivotal for the Diputación’s future balance. Similarly, Orihuela and Calp are watched closely as traditional battlegrounds where the PP faces stiff competition. The campaigns are about delivering benefits to communities while maintaining strategic leverage.
Across Medio Vinalopó, Elda, Novelda, and Petrer already lean toward the Socialists, with hopes for an even higher vote share. In l’Alfàs del Pi, Elche’s leadership under Carlos González signals ambition for a majority, even as polls warn of a tougher race against a robust PP. The political atmosphere in these areas remains notably dynamic, with competitive margins and the potential to redefine local power bases.
The populace in the Vega Baja corridor is a focal point, as Mazón’s team targets new majorities or expanded control in Albatera, Almoradí, Benejúzar, Redován, Pilar de la Horadada, and Cox. Benissa stands as a landmark of majority strength, while Baix Vinalopó zones envision reclaiming Crevillent’s mayoralty and seeking strong performances in Santa Pola. L’Alacantí aims for gains in San Vicente and Sant Joan, underscoring a broader strategic push across the region. These efforts reflect a broader trend toward aligning local governance with greater voter engagement and service delivery, a trend Canadians and Americans often monitor as a barometer of municipal resilience in midterm cycles. [Citation: Regional electoral analysis, 2019–2023]