The conclusion of May and the march toward the general election forced parties to turn the tail end of one campaign, the 28M, into the start of another, the 23J. The immediate outcome in the Community of Valencia and Alicante is clear: two major groups kept most of their campaign teams intact.
Those aligned with the PP believed no change was needed: they won and helped shape a shift toward a blue map. The socialists, after conceding defeat in public, argued the setback came from a failure to adapt the narrative as national messages reach beyond regional milestones like the Consell administration or the location of the Volkswagen gigafactory.
PP and PSOE push the idea that bipartisanship is returning, with the emphasis often placed on the PP as the main driver. Although the Congress of Deputies includes nineteen formations, the PP managed to frame the next election as a referendum between Feijóo and Sánchez. Polls show Alberto Núñez Feijóo with an edge, while the Prime Minister has used public and private television appearances to counter a damaged image among many voters.
In the Community of Valencia the PP seeks to sustain the regional and municipal momentum and believes the timing is right for a repeat victory. In Alicante, the aim is to climb again and regain leadership in the province, as the PP has moved to replace the 32,892 votes that separated them from PSOE on 10 November 2019 with a fresh surge.
Map captions note historical PSOE results in the 10N general elections as the data points, illustrating the terrain of past contests.
In contrast, the Socialist campaign centers on mobilizing their base, a priority in the closing stages. The most recent general election saw turnout at about sixty-nine percent. Ximo Puig, then general secretary of PSPV-PSOE, stepped back from the campaign committee on Friday, arguing that rights and freedoms were at risk and that Democrats must push to reclaim ground. While not simply a fear strategy, the concern about a possible PP-Vox alignment hovers in the background.
Citizens clearly appear to demand change from the PP, and that desire is tied to a faster formation of regional governments and city councils, under the belief that governing will be visible in everyday life.
Both parties acknowledge the upcoming campaign will be intense, with fifteen days of rapid, high-pressure activity on the horizon.
Map captions again highlight the PP’s share in the 10N general elections.
An Alicante in color accompanies the analysis of the province’s voting patterns, tracing back to the early days of democracy. The PSOE led the province from the birth of the democratic era until October 1989, and throughout the 1990s the political map formed a red belt from Elche to Marina Baixa, with towns linked by a main corridor toward Madrid and including Elda and Petrer. In the south, Torrevieja became a fortress of support.
The right did not begin to claim the Alicante map until the late 1980s. After replacing Alianza Popular, the PP reshaped the landscape, taking more than 50% of votes in Vega Baja as PSOE declined in the core areas. The red belt of the metropolitan zone gradually faded as the map shifted toward the north-south spread of municipalities.
With the 1990s came a struggle that endures, yet the PP has historically benefited more from the shifts. Elche and Alicante grew in influence, and these two areas, second and third in population in the community, often determined the province’s final results. In the southern inland, the PP maintained strong support, and even as far as Xàbia there were blue indications near the coast. The city of Alicante showed a balance of power with votes hovering around forty to forty-five percent for the major blocs.
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A notable setback for PSOE was recorded in 2015, when the party appeared as the third force in the Alicante state. In coalition with Podemos under the banner “És el moment,” Compromís rose to become the second party in Congress, leading by a slim margin. The PP began the new century with around 400,000 votes, a base Ciudadanos challenged, and in 2015 their tally dropped to about 297,083 votes. The era of bipartisanship waned and the map grew more diffuse as major parties failed to exceed the 50 percent mark in many towns.
The accompanying maps show evolving results, with Famorca standing out as a symbol around which campaign rhetoric revolves. This small municipality, with close to a hundred voters, has frequently concentrated a large share of support for the People’s Party. In 2019, 38 people participated, and 25 backed Feijóo in the latest cycle. The color map marks the enduring loyalty of voters in this enclave within l’Alcoià. In decades past, it has consistently exceeded 75 percent in favor of the PP.
In another electoral window, the PP’s local leadership once headed by Vincent Antonio Ruiz earned an astounding 94 percent in Famorca. The town’s unwavering support is a defining feature of its political identity. Famorca is a symbol in this campaign where both major parties pledge to compete for every vote, reflecting the broader political shift across the country where population declines continue to shape strategy.
The Alicante landscape demonstrates how small communities can drive large-scale outcomes, even as overall demographics redraw the map. The tone of the campaign remains focused on regional stewardship and the promise of effective governance that residents feel in daily life. The coming weeks will reveal how sharply the two major parties translate this narrative into votes.
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