It would be an overstatement to call it a sudden pivot. At the start of his second term, French president Emmanuel Macron spoke of reestablishing his governing style, but the era of continuity emerged almost at once. Not as flashy as the appointment of the new prime minister, Elisabeth Borne, or the broader reshuffle, a recent announcement nevertheless confirms the thread that guides his power: the Elysee’s indispensable general secretary. Alexis Kohler, little known to many French citizens, stands as a central, influential figure in how the centrist leader exercises authority.
He is the person who wields the most influence over Macron—a right hand that seems to do nothing without him. People often say the real president of the Republic is Kohler. Ellen Salvi, head of the Politics department at Mediapart, told El Periódico de Catalunya, a partner newspaper in the Prensa Ibérica group, that Kohler’s role as general secretary at the Elysee is among the most important positions in the Fifth Republic. She notes his monthly compensation is framed as notably higher than the president’s salary, underscoring the power this role confers.
“This position is not fixed in the Constitution; its mandate is undefined and somewhat vague, varying with every president,” explains Romain Bongibault, co-author of Dans l’ombre des présidents, a study on the different French leaders. The role is likened to a vice presidency in the United States, though with a key distinction: Kamala Harris is widely known globally, while Kohler remains mostly out of the media spotlight.
Macron’s right-hand man since 2014
“Powerful general secretaries have existed before, such as Jean-Pierre Jouyet with François Hollande or Claude Guéant with Nicolas Sarkozy, but none matched Kohler’s level of influence,” says Salvi. This discreet leader also faces mounting opposition within the Macronista circle, from both political rivals and some business figures. He is the primary interlocutor at the Elysee and has become the subject of judicial scrutiny for potential conflicts of interest due to family ties with MSC, a cruise and maritime trading company. The founder of this Swiss multinational is Kohler’s mother’s first cousin.
Born in Strasbourg in 1972, Kohler bears the classic resume of a French technocrat. He studied at Sciences Po Paris, Essec, and ENA, the training ground for the country’s elite. A former youth ally of Michel Rocard, he began his career at the Treasury General, with an international stint at the IMF and World Bank, later returning to lead the cabinet office at the Ministry of Economy. When Macron entered the presidency and joined the economy team in 2014, their careers intertwined for more than seven years, a period that many observers describe as a shared ascendance toward power. “He’s much smarter than me,” Macron reportedly said in a profile by Le Figaro, which highlighted Kohler’s influence in 2017.
Decisive in Borne’s appointment
Kohler’s remit ranges from managing ministerial communications to tracking reform progress and shaping the political program. He reportedly influenced the decision to raise the retirement age to 65 during the prime minister selection wave. “Their influence was decisive in appointing Borne as Prime Minister,” Salvi emphasizes. According to this journalist, Macron considered several names and Kohler was seen as the nominee from the start, even as pressure from other actors led to a different path. Macros’ left wing and other forces prompted reconsideration before the final choice was made.
“If he had wished to, Kohler could have sought a prominent role at Bercy (the Economy Ministry). Yet he seems to prefer operating from the shadows. When a leader faces legal trouble, it’s natural for them to retreat from the public spotlight,” Salvi notes. Indeed, Kohler has faced a judicial investigation. The matter, ongoing since 2018, resurfaced in 2019 after interventions by Anticor, an anti-corruption group, and followed a letter from Macron defending Kohler amid political pressure involved in the process. The inquiry was later reopened in the following year after an appeal.
Current counter-decision
As reported by Mediapart, Kohler is alleged to have had a conflict of interest during his time at the APE (State Participation Agency) and the Ministry of Economy. Between 2008 and 2010, he represented the Presidency on boards for Saint-Nazaire shipyards and the port of Le Havre. One of his main clients was MSC, linked to Kohler’s family through a cousin relationship with the company’s founder.
A national financial prosecutor’s report notes that while serving as vice president of the APE, he supported MSC in the Saint-Nazaire and Le Havre port councils on five occasions out of nine votes. While working in Bercy, he reportedly received numerous emails concerning files affecting the Swiss multinational, which benefited from significant state support exceeding three billion euros. He has insisted that his family has never been involved in matters affecting the company and that he disclosed potential conflicts of interest to his superiors from the outset.
After leaving the Ministry of Economy in 2016, Kohler joined MSC as finance director, earning a monthly salary of around 28,000 euros while assisting Macron’s presidential campaign. In a notable turn, that summer saw the nationalization of the Saint-Nazaire shipyards, a move seen by some as protecting national interests or, by others, as aiding MSC against the Italian state-controlled group Fincantieri. The decision remains a point of debate for observers weighing the broader aims of France’s economic strategy in the era of Macronism.