“The Destroying Angel” is a film by Luis Buñuel, captured during his exile in Mexico in 1962. It portrays a petty bourgeois world that collapses into brutality within a mansion where food is scarce, water is unavailable, and garbage piles up. Argentinian writer and political commentator Jorge Asis later used the film’s title to label Mauricio Macri, the former right‑wing president, signaling a destructive impulse attributed to both locals and foreigners alike. The piece notes that Macri showed no mercy to opponents, spied on family and close associates, and kept travel companions under scrutiny. Now the metaphorical angel has cast its wings on the capitalist libertarian Javier Milei.
He refrained from backing her in one key arena. In the second round of the presidential election held on November 19, Milei carried momentum with a forceful impulse: shape the far right in his own image and likeness if he defeats the Peronists at the polls. Sergio Massa, the Together for Change candidate, found himself compelled to share backing with Patricia Bullrich, whose presence on the ballot helped fragment the coalition. The center‑right segment was rattled when the businessman’s turn arrived.
Massa secured 37 percent in the first round, placing seven points ahead of Milei. Bullrich gathered 23 percent of the vote. Even acknowledging that he did not command all these votes, Macri offered them to Milei in a political environment marked by considerable volatility and shifting poll numbers.
Al Capone as model
The former president acknowledged meetings with Milei, which began as early as 2021. In his view, Milei’s harsh rhetoric mirrors the defiance of state authority seen in Prohibition era figures like Al Capone, a point discussed by Carlos Pagni, columnist for La Nación, who observed that discussions occurred away from public scrutiny. He noted that politicians speak of power, not time.
Macri envisions leading a new right, and some analysts interpret the November 19 outcome as a possible personal triumph for the businessman. Diego Genoud, another analyst, described the alliance as reminiscent of Menemism from 1989 to 1998, with a preference for military‑era attitudes and a skepticism toward traditional parties. Milei is portrayed as a highly capable operator who embodies aspects of a broader rightward shift.
Opposition division
Together for Change claims significant political machinery: ten provincial governors, 530 mayors, 93 deputies, and 24 senators in the national parliament. Yet this considerable strength fractured as key leaders withdrew their support. Buenos Aires mayor Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, once a close ally, faced Milei’s public insults and chose to distance himself. Elisa Carrió, a veteran opposition figure, spoke of moral fatigue within society and dismissed the alliance as misguided.
The Radical Civic Union (UCR), a centennial party within Together for Change, had already signaled it would not back Milei in the second round. Forty years after Raúl Alfonsín’s 1983 election victory, the UCR emphasized a return to democratic paths and warned against any move toward undemocratic risk. The polemic over democracy versus dictatorship resurfaced as Milei’s rhetoric challenged traditional political norms. Gerardo Morales, governor of Jujuy, insisted that the radical leadership would oppose Milei’s plans in the crucial vote.
Jaime Durán Barba, the Ecuadorian sociologist who helped shape Milei’s campaign eight years earlier, later served as his adviser. He reflected that Macri did not run for the presidency in another era because his numbers were already weak and public support was low.
The far right’s internal rebellion
According to La Política Online, Milei agreed to the idea of a post‑election dialogue with Macri but demanded no formal government alignment before the votes. The economist wanted to preserve his counter‑speech against the political establishment and remained committed to his anti‑caste message. Dissent within Milei’s coalition persisted as supporters weighed the risks of the alliance. Milei’s public image evolved from a provocative media figure to a formidable electoral challenger who connected with sectors hit hard by the crisis. Still, efforts to moderate his tone continued as election day approached. Comparisons to figures like Ronald Reagan circulated, but critics argued that some supporters still clung to earlier inspirations.
As the campaign matured, Macri’s alliance faced accusations of radicalization, with concerns about shifting toward an imagined Venezuelan scenario. Kirchnerist fears and the diminished influence of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner were cited as potential factors that could intensify if Massa won. The evolving dynamic between the Milei–Macri bloc would be tested at the polls, with analysts suggesting that voter sentiment might hinge on economic conditions and perceptions of authenticity.
The question remained how the Milei–Macri understanding would withstand electoral scrutiny. Observers argued that the outcome could depend on whether disillusioned Milei supporters would return to their former positions or gravitate toward anti‑Peronist forces gathered against Massa. Economic developments in the weeks ahead were likely to shape voting intentions before November 19.