The Valencian political scene unfolds with shifting alliances and strategic moves at Les Corts
Ximo Puig signaled this week that PSPV has no plans to rush investment under the new leadership at the Generalitat. In reply, Gabriela Bravo, acting Justice minister, announced her intention to resign once the first Les Corts session convenes where she holds the vice presidency. The news would be encouraging if both sides were ready to move beyond the stalling that has characterized July-like heat in May.
The Assembly’s constitution remains central to the parliament’s work, especially in a legislature without an absolute majority since 2015. That reality has left visible marks on how political forces line up. The Compromís coalition looks increasingly constrained to a single branding question, and the dominant figure in this evolving setup is not Joan Baldoví, but Vicente Marzà, joined by Gerard Fullana, who lost a recent primary but is poised to influence daily parliamentary life as a close ally. Marzà brokered a deal with Mazón, allowing the PP to push Compromís toward a seat at the Table at the expense of the PSOE. Fullana helped clear the path with the popular Juan Francisco Pérez. The earlier left-tinged branding that came from Mónica Oltra and Mireia Mollà, along with Manolo Alcaraz or Aitana Mas, seems greatly diminished. The shift leaves Maria Josep Amigó back in the Bloc fold, now aligned with Masa, a move that paradoxically rebrands itself as Més Compromís. Those who still cling to the former advertising philosophy of “less is more” may be the sole believers in that old slogan.
PP has a fortified bloc, regardless of the swings
In the first vote, Mazón aligned with both right and left, leaving the PSOE isolated. The far right has not only secured favorable terms with PP and Vox but also found in the Valencian Community itself closer alignment with its more hardline base. Its leadership emphasizes ideological clarity and a readiness to act without presenting a cooperative institutional image. Llanos Massó, noted for her staunch antiabortion and anti-euthanasia stance, did not assume the role of mediator expected of a parliamentary president. Instead, she has used the position to deploy ideological platforms, a pattern not seen in recent years from the PSOE, Valencian Association, PP, or Compromís. Without a countervailing force strong enough to curb Vox, the chamber could easily become a battleground where the main political moves originate from the top down.
Vox’s hardline profile shapes the new presidency as an ideological platform
Beyond Vox, the PP stands as the most organized party. The logic is simple: victory breeds authority; defeat invites upheaval. The maneuver that allowed Compromís to accept the Table vote while the PSOE received no per-seat backing reveals not only Mazón’s pragmatism but a willingness by the popular side to withhold unwavering loyalty to any single strand of authority. They can work with Vox strategically, but they cannot cede control to the far right. Crucially, the PP’s collaboration with two opposing camps on day one leaves the PSOE with no easy partner to coordinate with. It is clear that negotiations are shaping the first leadership moves, even as leaks surface from all corners about who will claim the top seat in the Alicante Provincial Assembly or the Les Corts presidency later on. Mazón leads a disciplined parliamentary group, seasoned enough to handle a slate of challenges. Yet a true, compact opposition of 46 seats is not in place, and two rival blocs have begun to jockey for position.
Compromís has seen its Initiative fade; old lines remain, nationalism persists
PSPV will need sharp minds to navigate the trap set by PP and Compromís. The debate echoes historic clashes, though the present reality shows no uniform strategy even among former allies who have realigned. A shared objective—weakening socialism in a broader sense—exists, but the path there is unsettled. How the socialists position themselves in opposition, when and how they contribute to policy design, remains undecided. The Les Corts Mesa votes that day cut through some of the tension, yet Ximo Puig’s plan to involve all former ministers except perhaps Health remains under review. The absence of regional representation in the Chamber is noted as a missed adjustment, since Alicante has not had a voice on the governing body in this round.
Internal tensions surface as Bravo’s resignation delays and factional dynamics intensify
A tangled mix of internal messaging, past loyalties, and public scrambles over advisors complicates the political calculus. Bravo, respectfully described by allies as a principled ally and by critics as a destabilizing presence, becomes a focal point in this ongoing struggle. Her delay in stepping away from the Justice portfolio, along with calls for compliance reports that seem detached from practical governance, feeds the perception that leaving the executive is the prudent move once her legislative appointment is secured. As the parliamentary group forms, the atmosphere thickens. Private chats surface without safeguards, and the historic bond between Bravo and Puig becomes ammunition in the broader power contest. The compensation of top advisors adds another layer to the internal power play, with the two highest paid consultants being figures Bravo would be expected to influence.
Strategic maneuvering, potential leadership shifts, and the road ahead
The PSOE’s tough, no-holds-barred tradition in civil matters colors the current political weather. Puig faces pressure from different corners inside and outside his party as the far right asserts a stronger presence in Valencian politics. The idea that the government could slip away rests on broader national dynamics, including the balance of power in Madrid and the influence of leaders like Pedro Sánchez, Bielsa, and Soler. Analysts note a pattern: if a different national government takes power, the local seats and allegiances in Valencia could shift dramatically. Puig’s internal position is precarious, as are the chances of maintaining a governing majority in Les Corts. The discussion invariably circles back to the same question: who can build a stable, functional coalition in a chamber where no single group holds a clear majority? The answer remains unsettled, with ongoing negotiations and a broad spectrum of possible outcomes. The mood inside PSPV is to adapt quickly, accept pragmatic concessions, and seek a path that preserves the party’s integrity while advancing its key policy goals.
In one more reflection, Puig’s recent statements show a leadership navigating both the internal fractures of the PSOE and the rising pressure from the far right. The situation in Valencia is a microcosm of a national political reality where civil discourse must contend with strong ideological currents. The path forward will test the capacity of all players to balance principle with practical necessity, and to decide whether strategies are aimed at sustaining governance or at scoring political points. The next steps will reveal how the region reconciles competing loyalties, manages its internal factions, and sets a course that can endure the test of time.
Note: This analysis reflects observed political developments and public statements used for attribution in contemporary Valencian coverage.