Is Ximo Puig leaning toward yielding to Pedro Sánchez’s pressure and calling for regional elections sooner? Does the PP have plans to take the fight to Palau and then to Moncloa beyond merely waiting for rivals’ missteps? How much pressure can Compromís absorb in this political gamble? How will Podemos secure the 5% vote threshold needed to gain representation in the Valencian Parliament amid tensions within the national left? Can Pablo Iglesias and Yolanda Díaz help maintain or recapture influence, especially after setbacks in regional parity and city councils? With Ciudadanos weakened, will its remaining force survive the penultimate clash between the two countries? Do Inés Arrimadas and Edmundo Honey still have enough resources to mount an effective campaign? And is Vox’s virtual disappearance from public life in this region due to missteps or strategy, potentially benefiting the far right?
The countdown to the municipal elections, scheduled on the calendar, began last Monday. The questions listed above framed a week in which Madrid outlets floated the idea of an early call for autonomous communities in the Valencian Community; on that same day, Carlos Mazón presented his credentials in Madrid, wrapped in the Feijóo narrative. Mónica Oltra reappeared to remind her party that those who believed she was sidelined were mistaken and to signal that she could leverage the vice presidency as influence or leverage over rivals. In the same week, Pablo Iglesias appeared at the INFORMATION Club alongside a former PP minister and a Member of the European Parliament, José Manuel García-Margallo, to demonstrate Podemos’ grip on the Valencian political stage: for every PP supporter attracted to Margallo, Iglesias drew a larger following from across the Community, performing a series of crowd-control moves that kept the room attentive and engaged.
Can Ximo Puig push for elections ahead of the municipal vote set for the last Sunday in May? Palau reportedly rules out an early dissolution of Cortes, though not everyone around the president shares that view. Some argue that acting sooner could maximize Puig’s personal brand, even as the broader political context tightens the odds. The idea would be to campaign with Puig at the center, directing the ballot solely toward the Generalitat government, a historic first if it happened. Officials warn, however, that the economy could deteriorate further in the coming months, and internal strains with potential partners Compromís and Podemos would intensify. In short, going early could help, or could backfire, depending on who mobilizes and how voters interpret the message. If the left loses ground, the PSOE could still shape the outcome through its regional allies; if Puig falters, it could reset the balance of power in the regional government. The prevailing view among political insiders is that timing matters, and everyone is scrambling to avoid an unprepared posture.
Monica Oltra’s resilience remains evident, signaling she will not step aside and may use a successor as a bargaining chip. The governing leadership in Valencia currently believes that advancing elections without aligning with other regional votes would depress turnout and hurt the left, given a strong mobilization among right-wing voters. They also fear that a Valencia-only election would amplify national leadership concerns, distort the regional message, and bring more of Pedro Sánchez’s shadow into play, a scenario to be avoided. For the left of the PSOE, including Compromís and Podemos, advancing the timetable could be punishing; if a nationalist and Podemos surge were to falter, the PSOE might still calculate a potential benefit, though the consensus suggests Puig would likely fall short of securing a governing majority. In this climate, everyone seems intent on staying ready for any scenario, with trust eroded across the board.
Vox remains largely on the back foot as Ciudadanos’ decline reshapes campaign dynamics. In a piece by El Confidencial’s director, Nacho Cardero, Monday coverage highlighted political pressure extending from La Moncloa to Palau to accelerate elections, with Mazón speaking at a Madrid forum alongside Feijóo and regional leaders. The event’s format—limiting Mazón’s direct project presentation and allowing a question-driven session—generated a mixed reception. The Madrid media framed it as a quiet Valencian issue, yet the submarine of intensity resembled a broader national conversation about leadership, not a mere local dispute. The floor was given to Vicente Boluda, head of the AVE lobby, who openly backed Mazón’s bid for the Generalitat presidency. The gesture was seen as a strategic windfall for Mazón, given lingering doubts about his ability to mobilize Valencian business leaders. He returned from Madrid with arguments and momentum in hand.
Pablo Iglesias demonstrated control over Podemos in Valencia and Alicante, underscoring a clear strategic posture in the region. Yet the broader impression remains that the PP’s strategy is to leverage a quiet, steady growth—honing in on a path that leverages Ciudadanos’ decline and the possibility of a Vox resurgence if the right conditions emerge. The key observation is that Mazón’s team is navigating a political calendar where June is decisive for final tallies, but May often reveals the true balance of power as campaigns intensify and regional loyalties shift.
big business action
JRG
Hosbec, the hotel and tourism association, signaled through its leadership how to seize the presidency with example, defend positions with vigor, and celebrate major events without arrogance. The organization embodies what many in the Valencian economy regard as a solid, professional backbone: humility tempered with directness, a readiness to defend key sectors, and a commitment to continuity. The outgoing president, Toni Mayor, leaves behind a landscape where business and politics are closely entwined, a dynamic that shapes policy and public perception alike. The association’s long-standing secretary general, Nuria Montes, has become an essential element of its strength, steering a network that spans the three provinces and keeps the group cohesive. In his farewell message, Mayor’s successor, Fede Fuster, signaled preparedness to steer the ship with a different cadence but the same core principles: loyalty to the group, sober leadership, and a transparent defense of their sector.
During the event, Carlos Mazón praised Fuster’s potential to surpass the previous leadership, noting that the experience and guidance from Toni Mayor would remain a valuable resource. Ximo Puig also joined in, praising Hosbec while cautioning against the risks of self-importance and pharisaic behavior that can undermine long-term relevance. The message was clear: the region’s political and economic elites are closely watching each other, ready to calibrate when necessary to protect regional stability and growth.