Evolving Spain: a tale of referendum, leadership, and political brinkmanship

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On a May day in 2017, during a stroll through Barcelona, Oriol Junqueras spoke with a blunt honesty that unsettled the interviewer. He acknowledged, with something close to defiance, that they knew nothing about what lay ahead, not even how long jail might last. The conversation had taken place weeks before a pivotal referendum, and the interviewer had just begun a series about the country’s democracy. The phrase echoed like a warning: bold action would provoke a strong reaction from the state. Junqueras appeared certain about one thing: a clear path would have to be carved, and consequences would surely follow.

That private moment was shared with colleagues who soon understood the weight of the words. A colleague named Olga Viza and another, Durán Lleida, listened with growing concern as the implications settled in. The sense of foreboding would prove prophetic in the months that followed.

Late on October 25, after a referendum and a brief declaration of independence lasting moments, Carles Puigdemont called together a broad council of government. The gathering, including more than twenty participants such as Lluís Llach, faced a crucial question: should elections be called, or should the government wait for Madrid to act under the constitutional measures that would suspend autonomy? The meeting stretched into the early hours, and Marta Rovira struggled under the strain. Puigdemont announced that he would decide the next day. In one of the first signals to key figures, Santi Vila urged calm, while sharing the developing news with three trusted insiders. The news reached Maria Dolores de Cospedal, who relayed it to Mariano Rajoy. Pedro Sánchez was unequivocal: if elections were called, his senators would not back Article 155 in the Senate, even though Rajoy held an absolute majority without their support. If elections were not called, the 155 would move forward and be supported by Sánchez’s side. Albert Rivera, the third recipient, offered a harsher verdict: Puigdemont would not call elections, even if he swore he would. He was right. The Senate backed the intervention the following day, and two days later Puigdemont departed for Brussels, seeking asylum in the face of Madrid’s measures.

Those are the background notes. On one side stood Oriol Junqueras, deeply devout and fiercely nationalist, mentally preparing for what could become a long period behind bars—maybe six months, perhaps longer. In reality, it stretched to nearly four years, until an amnesty under a later government softened the ordeal. Reported to be emotionally scarred by the experience, Junqueras now watched as Pere Aragonès, the ERC representative, stepped back after a crushing election setback. He announced his own departure soon after, following ERC’s congress, while Marta Rovira fled to Switzerland. Junqueras remained a complex figure, stepping aside temporarily from ERC’s presidency, awaiting a moment when loyalists might restore him to power. The future remained uncertain, with the party’s internal dynamics still in flux.

Across the political landscape, Puigdemont appeared defiant yet cautious. He faced a system that seemed to punish disobedience more than it rewarded it. He asserted that he would return, but only once amnesty could be secured, published, and accepted, even if the judiciary resisted. Some predicted that the final campaign day would yield a dramatic arrest in Barcelona, but that moment never arrived. His enigmatic adviser is the lawyer Gonzalo Boyé, who has faced legal actions related to collaboration with groups linked to separatist violence. Puigdemont signaled a willingness to re-enter government, but his path would require votes from Esquerra and the CUP, plus abstention from the Socialists. Pedro Sánchez urged him to come back to realism. With crucial budget considerations looming in 2025, Puigdemont faced a window of months that felt like a fragile, narrow corridor.

For now, the central argument revolves around whether the independence process remains on the shelf. From the perspective of Ila, Sánchez, and Esquerra, the path seems paused. For Puigdemont and Núñez Feijóo, it persists. Both sides appear to need it in some form. The next major milestone looms: European elections.

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