Catalan return

Acts of restoring legality, including the exceptional art path. 155 had the joint support of the PP and PSOE, an encouraging finding as it means that in times of turmoil and turmoil, political competition still yields to the general interest; extraordinary possibilities (it should be noted that it was the opposition PSOE who generously supported the Rajoy government at the time).

The truth is that despite the unquestionable legitimacy of the 1978 Constitution, which was massively voted and ratified in Catalonia (and of course throughout the State), a pro-sovereign sector in Catalonia sought to achieve independence by unacceptable means. Constitutional reform is foreseen in our Magna Carta and only these channels are legitimate.

The mechanisms of the state worked correctly, and following the June 1, 2018 no-confidence motion against Rajoy, the left-wing government established in the State has reached an agreement to pardon the main politicians who planned and ran such bloodless barracks. Fortunately, it ended without loss of life. These amnesties are not a surrender of the State before the rebels, as some have argued, but rather: they underline the evidence that the State was so firmly established that in addition to imprisoning those who broke the law, it was a condition of being generous to them after conviction. Only fugitive Puigdemont continues to roam the European institutions like a genie, without anyone to listen to him. Neither here nor there.

Everything that happened naturally produced a variety of reactions. Conservative nationalism, post-Pujolism, piloted more or less by Puigdemont in the beginning and today with full autonomy, maintains the irrational vector of the firm of irrational sovereignty at all costs, inside or outside the law. After the last regional elections won by PSC-PSOE, the ERC, Catalonia’s leading nationalist force, has filtered the events through common sense and seems determined to surrender without giving up its sovereign beliefs. to its legality. An incontrovertible legality that will be defended by those who accept reforms but have an obligation to protect it.

For this purpose, a political dialogue has been initiated between the ERC and the coalition government, which has not yet come to fruition, but which is valuable in itself and whose permanence must be ensured. In democracy, sovereignty is not forbidden, it is clear, but as the Venice Commission said when it went to Puigdemont to demand that they approve the Catalan illegal referendum, any consultation must be agreed with State authorities and within the framework of the existing democratic framework. constitution.

Finally, it could be argued that after the unsuccessful enthusiastic attempt at a sudden separation by traumatic means, a progressive section of domination began to give priority to the progressive vector over nationalist irredentism, which was never the ideology of the real future. The ERC is splitting from the disoriented Junts (what happened to the former Speaker of Parliament confirms this claim) and the CUP, which pursues ultramontane goals that do not fit into the EU. This suggests that in the not-too-distant future, the Catalan political majority could consist of the ERC and the PSC, which agree on almost everything in general politics (the ERC’s collaboration with the Sánchez government proves this), and in the case of the PSC, from the Catalan source, which does not imply any sovereign temptation. those who live.