Among the tasks assigned by President Biden, none is more expansive than addressing the Central American migration challenge, particularly in the Northern Triangle formed by Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. In the 15 months since Harris took on the portfolio, her efforts have shown uneven results, with some missteps that have rippled through messaging. This Tuesday, she tackled the issue anew, aiming to steer the dialogue toward concrete outcomes at a moment when the Summit of the Americas is shaping the regional debate more by controversy than by content.
During her remarks in the event’s ninth edition, Harris announced plans related to the gathering, which first convened in Miami in 1994. Private sector investment in the Northern Triangle now totals about 1.9 billion dollars, with another 1.2 billion already pledged by dozens of companies late last year, bringing total private expenditure in the region on improving jobs and living standards close to 3.2 billion. This investment is aimed at reducing the push factors behind migration by expanding opportunity locally.
Specific commitments include Millicom expanding mobile and broadband networks in the Northern Triangle. Visa plans to devote 270 million dollars over five years to support digital payments, while San Mar and Gap Inc will invest 500 million and 150 million dollars respectively over the next three years to boost manufacturing capacity. These efforts have the potential to create roughly 9,000 new jobs in the region as production rises and supply chains strengthen.
Harris also highlighted an empowerment program designed to connect 1.4 million Central American women to formal financial systems and the digital economy, along with an education initiative targeting half a million adults and young people.
discontinuity
The White House has reinforced its emphasis on making the investment message clearer. The goal is to recast discussions that have overshadowed the summit while President Biden plans to attend only as a participant rather than as a head of state, with many nations represented by delegations rather than presidents.
In several high-profile cases, including the stance of Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, participation has been limited as a protest against Washington’s decisions. The absence of Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua is cited as part of the calculus, a point underscored by White House press secretary Karin Jean-Pierre, who stated that dictators should not be invited. The political calculus, both domestic and electoral, also weighs on these decisions, with Florida playing a significant role. Consequently, the leaders of Mexico and the Northern Triangle are not present in Los Angeles, a key site for immigration discussions.
Some of the tensions surrounding these dynamics, including concerns raised by Honduran President Xiomara Castro, highlight the difficulties Harris faces with the region Washington views as critical. Castro has been engaged in talks with Harris by phone but remains reluctant to attend the summit this year, illustrating the broader diplomatic frictions at play.
rain of criticism
Criticism of Harris’s appointment and the broader U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America has been consistent. A recent opinion column in a major Los Angeles newspaper questioned the Summit of the Americas as a flawed forum, a verdict echoed by policy analysts who describe the event as underscoring problems in both U.S. politics and regional relations. Critics from former officials to think tank researchers have called the summit a misalignment between stated aims and actual outcomes, labeling the invitation process and target announcements as insufficient preparation for a meaningful convergence.
Additional voices have described the gathering as disappointing for U.S. diplomacy in the hemisphere, arguing that the invitation process and the lack of concrete policy announcements have reinforced a perception that the region is not a priority for the administration. The prevailing tone among several critics is that the event exposes gaps between rhetoric and policy in Washington’s approach to the Americas.
Immigration and China
Officials say Biden will advance several proposals during the summit, including an economic framework to address security vulnerabilities and supply chain resilience. The Inter-American Development Bank has contributed to the discussion, and there is talk of a climate and energy partnership involving Caribbean nations. An immigration plan is also on the table, with potential roles for European partners, though specific details have not been disclosed publicly.
Looking ahead, analysts note that without formal trade agreements, observers worry that U.S. leverage in the region may be waning relative to China’s growing presence. Experts point out that Washington has offered alternative financing and development pathways alongside Beijing’s infrastructure initiatives in the region. They emphasize that China remains a major trading partner for South America and a significant partner across Latin America, with intensified collaboration in technology, security, and cultural exchanges that challenge U.S. influence in the area.