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Missions of a military nature must occur outside community territory, as seen in discussions about Lebanon or Mali.
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The European Commission has told EL PERIÓDICO DE ESPAÑA that there are precedents for education projects within the EU region.
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Training Ukrainians on European soil was considered but judged impractical due to security deployment needs.
Last week, on the occasion of Ukraine’s 31st anniversary of independence from the Soviet Union, Spain signaled its willingness to train Ukrainian soldiers to support the war effort against the Russian invasion. This week, the European Union announced a preliminary agreement among defense ministers to design a mission aligned with this training initiative. Yet questions remain about how and where such training could be scaled up. The most realistic option appears to be bringing Ukrainian forces onto European soil rather than deploying European troops into Ukrainian territory.
However, the Treaty on European Union specifies that military missions should take place outside the community’s own territory. The Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) outlines a framework in which the Union may deploy both civilian and military means, but Article 42 emphasizes that missions outside the Union are contemplated to maintain peace, prevent conflicts, and strengthen international security in line with the United Nations Charter and the broader security policy.
In a written response to EL PERIÓDICO DE ESPAÑA, the European Commission noted that it is possible to carry out a European Union education mission within the European Union itself, citing precedents. The Commission stated that such a mission would draw on existing treaty provisions and, in some cases, on actions under the CSDP that have a direct impact on beneficiary countries. This response highlights the flexibility of EU instruments while acknowledging the need for careful planning.
The Commission did not specify which past cases might be referenced, but it is recognized that the European Union has undertaken military missions abroad, including training initiatives. For instance, the EU mission in Mali, known as EUTM-Mali, focused on developing the local army to counter jihadist threats. In other contexts, partnerships like Operation Sophia involved efforts in the Mediterranean with Italy hosting training components for coast guard and anti-smuggling operations. The essential distinction is that there has not yet been an official EU military mission specifically for Ukraine.
Parliamentary approval
If Spain’s intention to train Ukrainian soldiers takes shape as a mission similar to those seen in Mali or Lebanon, it would require parliamentary approval. It is anticipated that the government would receive support from some members of the legislature, but there could be tensions within governing coalitions as debates unfold.
United We Can has expressed reservations about arming and engaging in the Ukrainian war effort. Ione Belarra, Minister of Social Rights and Secretary General of Podemos, questioned the rationale of the proposed training mission and urged a focus on diplomacy and peaceful solutions, raising concerns about escalating tensions.
Embryonic state of the plan
The exact structure of the proposed mission remains undefined. EU defense ministers have agreed to begin examining the parameters and conditions under which a European training mission for Ukrainian forces would operate in the future. The question of training locations is still open, and there is no firm agreement on details yet, according to a European Commission briefing.
Defense Minister Margarita Robles suggested that Spain could host specialized training modules, offering facilities, simulators, and personnel transport to Ukrainian forces on Spanish soil.
Belgium, the Netherlands, and Germany have expressed interest in demining training on their territories and indicated they would launch such modules without waiting for a formal EU mission, potentially integrating with any future EU-led framework.
“We have to be fast”
Josep Borrell, the head of the European Union’s foreign policy, underscored the need for speed and ambition. He noted that the Twenty-Seven agreement should clearly define the legal parameters governing any new training mission. Brussels has already demonstrated flexibility in responding to Ukraine’s needs, including mechanisms to supply weapons via the European Peace Support Fund, which has mobilized substantial resources for Kyiv.
Education is expected to be delivered at a high level, with a focus on strengthening Ukrainian military logistics, an essential component for both offensive and defensive operations on the eastern front. Training would also cover protective measures against chemical and nuclear threats, as well as the organization of medical and field hospital capabilities on the ground. These goals were outlined at a recent press conference.
Traditionally, Britain has maintained a robust training program for Ukrainian troops, with thousands of combat-ready personnel deployed since the initial phases of the conflict, and a longer history of training missions going back to the early 2010s. The United States conducts training missions as well, often in allied European facilities, though detailed figures are not always published. Other European partners, including France, Germany, and Denmark, have contributed training slots to Ukrainian forces in various formats.
In summary, the EU faces a careful balancing act: deliver effective education and training support to Ukraine while adhering to treaty constraints and maintaining political unity among member states. The coming weeks are expected to reveal more about where training will occur, how it will be structured, and how it will interact with broader security and diplomatic strategies. The aim remains to bolster Ukraine’s resilience while pursuing diplomatic paths to end the conflict in accordance with international law and shared European values. [Cited from European Commission communications and several member state statements]