The United Nations’ top international mission, costing about 1,100 million euros each year and bearing a heavy toll with 300 blue helmets killed in the line of duty, is set to end abruptly. Mali’s ruling junta has decided to remove MINUSMA’s blue helmets from the country. A quota of roughly 17,400 troops has been deployed across the Sahel region as Mali wrestles with jihadist violence, Tuareg insurgencies, and the presence of Russian Wagner mercenaries. By year’s end, about 11,739 blue helmets, 1,600 police, and nearly 4,000 civilians are expected to depart the peacekeeping operation.
The Malian authorities accuse the blue helmets of failing to curb terrorism effectively. Human rights concerns persist, and the government shows a preference for closer alignment with Russia, including the possible deployment of Russian troops, weapons, and resources to support security objectives.
Outposts and bases will be vacated, to be taken over by Malian armed forces or other partner groups, including Russian personnel. Humanitarian organizations warn that the withdrawal could trigger chaos if no transition plan is in place for who will operate vacant UN bases and military facilities. Without a clear handoff, a dangerous vacuum may emerge, raising the risk of attacks, heightened civilian fear, and renewed instability, according to Vianney Bisimwa, Sahel Director for the Civilian Protection NGO Civic.
The situation also has strategic implications for Spain. Mali sits about 1,800 kilometers from the Canary Islands, and insecurity in the region complicates migration routes toward Europe. Spain has pressed to keep Sahel security discussions within the framework of its ten-year NATO strategy.
massacres and rapes
The UN mission in Mali was established by a Security Council resolution in April 2013 amid fighting between Mali’s government and armed groups, many jihadist, others Tuareg-led in the north.
Although some of these groups signed the Algerian Peace Agreement in 2015, violence continued and democratic institutions faced setbacks. Mali experienced two coups in 2020 and 2021. Russia and China increased their involvement, offering military trainers, weapons, and logistics—without clear limits or conditions. Allegations of extrajudicial killings and sexual violence as a weapon of war spread, and a diplomatic rift with the United Nations surfaced after Bamako disputed UN access to the Moura region in 2012, a rift that has shaped the country’s trajectory since.
In May, a UN report documented more than 500 killings in Moura, with blame directed at both government forces and foreign units, including those associated with Russia’s Wagner group. While Bamako blocked air access for UN investigators, satellite imagery supported the findings. The Malian government called the events a crime of espionage, and the ensuing tensions helped deepen mistrust between Mali and its international partners.
Meanwhile, tensions with the French-led Operation Barkhane persisted, with heavy casualties on all sides over eight years. Emmanuel Macron ordered the withdrawal of this key force after continuing attacks and unsustainable results. On June 16, Mali’s foreign minister delivered a pointed critique at the Security Council, urging MINUSMA to withdraw promptly. In a Security Council vote last week, the mission’s ten-year mandate was brought to a close. Now, discussions between Bamako and the United Nations focus on the logistics of withdrawal and on safeguarding humanitarian operations from UNICEF and the United Nations Development Programme as personnel depart dangerous zones.
Spanish mission in Mali
The departure of French troops from MINUSMA marks a turning point, with the European Union’s Training Mission in Mali (EUTM) and Spain’s contribution now the primary international presence. Spain maintains a 120-strong contingent in Bamako, while Germany has signaled plans to pull its EUTM personnel next year. EU High Representative Josep Borrell has signaled that MINUSMA complicates EU planning, and the bloc must reconsider its approach in light of evolving security needs in the region.
As the junta strengthens ties with Moscow, Mali’s leadership continues to push for greater Russian support, including political backing at high levels during the Russia-Africa summit. The alliance with Moscow raises concerns about policy continuity and the status of peace agreements with northern factions. The CSP-PSD, a coalition aligned with northern groups and previously integrated under the Algerian agreement, warned that Wagner’s presence could trigger renewed attacks. The Sahel remains volatile, with Mali at its center.