Division of the country
Francisco Franco rose to power in Spain due to the 1936–1939 Civil War. The nation had already endured civil conflicts, revolutions, restorations, and a long, stubborn clash between monarchists, liberals, and socialists throughout the 19th century. This pattern differed sharply from Russia, where a century of stable monarchy preceded the Bolshevik dictatorship.
The next round of upheavals culminated in 1931 when King Alfonso XIII, pressured by revolutionary-minded residents of major cities, fled the country. The Second Spanish Republic was proclaimed, initially enjoying broad support, but its tenure was brief.
Spanish society faced two simultaneous divides: Catholic conservatives versus anti religious revolutionaries, and large landowners against workers and labor movements. These rifts were sharpened by mutual hostility that predated the civil war. While the Bolshevik struggle appeared utilitarian in nature, aimed at confiscating property and opposing foreign ideology, the Spanish left vilified the Catholic Church as a symbol of monarchy and landowner power. During the Second Republic, church pogroms with priests beaten became a frightening reality for Catholic believers.
The problem of class disparity persisted. Spain was an impoverished country with low wages for workers, a situation worsened by the Great Depression beginning in 1933. The landowners openly teased their workers with taunts like the refrain “If you are hungry, go eat the Republic.” This sentiment is documented in political history of the era.
Democracy proved fragile in such an environment. After the leftist Popular Front won the 1936 elections, conservative officers plotted a coup. The attempted takeover lacked a clear ideological backbone, its central aim being to end anarchy and pogroms. On July 17, the rebel army surged across the country, but the left government armed volunteers and defeated the insurrection in every major city except Seville. A brutal civil war followed, with Republicans arguing they fought for freedom against tyranny and Nationalists claiming they defended Christian civilization against the Red Horde.
Tyranny with a Catholic face
General Franco assumed leadership after the coup mastermind José Sanjurjo perished in a plane crash in 1937. He secured support from Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany and, with their backing, toppled the Republicans in 1939. On February 5, 1939, Franco became head of the government and began a systematic project to shape what he called Christian civilization.
The sole legal party became the Phalanx, echoing aspects of Italian fascism. Franco was proclaimed caudillo and historians note that his power eclipsed that of contemporaries like Hitler and Stalin, since parliament was practically ceremonial and did not hold real authority until the Cortes met only as an advisory body in 1942. In 1947 Franco sought to anchor his rule in legitimacy by restoring the monarchy, acting as regent of a kingdom without a king.
Nationalism became the core cultural policy of the Franco era. Flamenco and bullfighting stood as symbols, while the intelligentsia viewed this as a misstep, akin to a government turning to rustic identity instead of embracing broader modernity. The use of language was tightly controlled; Castilian Spanish was the only allowed national tongue, and regional identities like Basque, Catalan, Galician, and Andalusian were effectively erased from public life. Signs, writings, and books had to be in Spanish.
Informality spread widely, and anyone identified as a Republican often faced arrest or loss of employment. The Catholic Church regained a prominent role, possessing police powers and a gatekeeping function for many government roles. Clergy sought revenge against secular efforts during the Republic and thereafter examined people’s pasts for ideological sins. Secondary education leaned toward church influence, with pro church career pathways favored for educators. In higher education, religious affiliation often determined professorships.
Women – in the kitchen
The Franco era’s strict social codes are hard to translate for outsiders, which makes it easier to imagine the period through the lens of women’s lives in Spain. Some journalists have called this era a form of Catholic Iran.
During the Second Republic, women enjoyed legal equality and could work, divorce, and access education. The postwar victory of the Nationalists brought a harsh rollback. The central expectation became housekeeping, with many women required to complete a six‑month Phalanx course focused on motherhood, sewing, and cooking. Divorce and birth control were banned, and husbands held the right to act without trial in cases of adultery. Those challenging moral norms could bring penalties from expulsion to social ostracism.
Women faced surveillance through institutions overseen by the church and state. Special committees monitored morality, and teachers perceived as subversive could be dismissed. In many respects, daily life was governed by rigid norms and punishments that extended to family roles and public behavior. In Barcelona and other urban centers during the 1940s, women needed a male escort to move at night, and even basic civil liberties such as bank accounts or travel required male family consent. Public offices and many professions remained out of reach for most women. A 1942 law often forced married women to leave work.
Despite these limitations, Spain remained a poor and underdeveloped country well into the mid‑20th century, with rural Castile still lacking essential infrastructure in many areas. The situation began to ease only after Franco’s death in 1975, and the country moved toward democracy and modernization. Spain joined the European Union in 1986, and the Franco regime’s norms were dismantled, allowing the nation to emerge as a typical contemporary European state.