A week of turmoil within the Alicante branch of the PSOE adds another layer to a long-running clash between the local party organization led by Ángel Franco and the city hall faction headed by Ana Barceló. This tension is not a novelty for Alicante’s socialists. Frictions between the party and the municipal group have marked the early 21st century here. On Tuesday, the party’s executive meeting devolved into a charged session filled with accusations, and a day later Barceló publicly called for the resignation of Miguel Millana, the local secretary and a key Franco ally. Barceló’s demand drew a rebuke from the PSPV executive led by Diana Morant. [Info: Internal party dynamics and public statements reflect a persistent power struggle within the Alicante PSOE.]
Several voices inside the party point to a common thread running through the dispute: the enduring influence of Franco, a veteran leader who has steered the Alicante section for decades. Though he has not held a formal local post for years, he still jokes that he is a “base militant,” a label Barceló has echoed. Franco stepped down as secretary-general in 2004, handing the reins to a long line of successors, including Juan Antonio Román. Contemporary chronicles noted that the former senator was stepping back from the front line, a claim those close to him dispute, insisting his influence remains strong. [Info: The enduring centrality of Franco in Alicante politics is a recurrent theme.]
From the PSPV’s view, the veteran leader’s power is seen as a stabilizing force within the party
Another factor shaping the current situation is Valencia’s consistent support for Franco’s extended influence in Alicante, especially when his base votes carry weight at PSPV congresses. This pattern has echoed through past leadership lines, involving figures like Joan Lerma, Ximo Puig, and more recently Morant. It is not surprising that this week the PSPV’s Secretary of Organization, Vicent Mascarell, defended Franco’s work and confirmed his continued presence on the national executive for the foreseeable future. Within Alicante socialist circles, there is talk of attempts to dilute Franco’s control by creating district bodies, mirroring Valencia’s structure. Yet the national leadership has blocked such moves, preferring Franco’s fidelity to the established power framework. [Info: The national leadership maintains cohesion by supporting Franco’s central role.]
The current clash between Franco and Barceló traces back to Barceló’s emergence as the local mayoral candidate in May of the previous year. Her ascent followed a primary victory over María José Adsuar, after being designated by Puig. This recurring pattern—the tension between the local party organization and the municipal faction—has appeared under different city leadership over the years, weakening the appeal of several mayoral hopefuls. A key issue is that, with the exception of Franco’s ally Gabriel Echávarri, no other mayoral candidate has also served as the socialist secretary-general of the Alicante group. This dynamic has kept the relationship between the Alicante group and the municipal spokespeople tense for decades. [Info: The dual role conflict has historically hampered mayoral campaigns.]
Las turbulencias de estos años también han contado con dos gestoras, con García Miralles y Luna
In the early 21st century there have been five different secretaries-general. After Franco and Román came Roque Moreno, Echávarri, and Millana. The period also saw two interim administrations. The first, under Antonio García Miralles, arose from the Rabasa Plan. It followed Franco’s push to remove Román due to opposition to a development project. The second gestora, led by Ángel Luna, followed wiretapped revelations that Moreno sought favors from a local businessman. One chronicle described the Alicante federation at that moment as “permanently tense, anemic, and depressed,” a portrait many socialists in Alicante say remains largely unchanged and appears to clear the path for the Partido Popular to control the city hall. [Info: Interim administrations reflect ongoing governance instability within the local PSOE.]
When it comes to mayoral candidates, the PSOE list has included many names: Blas Bernal in 2003, Etelvina Andreu in 2007, Elena Martín in 2011, Echávarri in 2015, Francesc Sanguino in 2019, and Barceló last year. Among them, Echávarri is the only one to have held the mayor’s office, winning against a PP beleaguered by corruption allegations but eventually resigning nearly three years later due to legal troubles. All these hopefuls, with only brief truces, have endured a tricky relationship with Franco’s Alicante group, who are accused of winning assemblies while losing elections. [Info: Historical mayoral nominees reveal the recurring gulf between party apparatus and municipal leadership.]
Thus, the feud between the party and the municipal group captured this week is not a fresh affair. It has spurred repeated, sometimes imperfect, efforts to rotate the city’s spokesperson. Time will tell who gains the upper hand in this ongoing power contest. [Info: This is part of a long-running, cyclical pattern in Alicante politics.]