the loneliness of the playwright
At the end of Alicante’s fraught municipal meeting, the city spokesman tried in vain to calm a crisis sparked by the former Youth Secretary’s recent outburst. Antonio Mira-Perceval Graells argued openly against the former senator, saying that the same pattern has repeated itself for years in municipal politics. A longstanding secretary of the association replied that the situation comes from poor judgment and misplaced frustration. The drama within the PSOE seems excessive, yet accurate in its portrayal of the factions involved. Still, there is no clear solution in sight.
You may notice in this opening paragraph some strong words like grotesque and crazy. These terms only scratch the surface of the PSOE’s ongoing troubles in Alicante, a problem that stretches beyond a mere year or two. The author has spent years chronicling the civil wars within the city’s socialist circles, a history tied to the capital’s socialists. One can recall scenes that feel almost cinematic in their intensity. The text traces a line from the mayor who faced a council showdown to the purge of a leader who steered the party toward election victory. A general secretary, a former mayor, and a builder who became a public spokesperson all figure into a pattern where votes and municipal salaries intersect. A candidate nearly walked away before the minutes could be recorded, and the party’s fate in subsequent elections became a cautionary tale. Insiders from various factions rise and fall, and the narrative often circles back to leaders who once hoped to guide the city toward better days. The proposed candidates generally align more with the opposition than with the Socialist Party, a situation described as chaotic by any standard.
There is no general secretary, from Lerma to Puig, through Pla or Alarte, who does not rely on Franco to secure votes for future Congresses.
As these days unfold, the PSOE in Alicante has not renewed a mayoral candidate since 1995, and none of the recent contenders have completed the term. To understand the depth of the crisis, it should be noted that those who replaced them often ended without a lasting position, and those who rose sometimes stumbled at the threshold of a new nomination. Audio glitches often punctuated the debates, highlighting the volatility surrounding the party’s leadership.
The penultimate episode of this unfolding narrative featured a forward move by the municipal group’s spokesperson, Francis (formerly Paco) Sanguino. Previously the head of the Teatro Director, Sanguino’s tenure was contested from the start. Ximo Puig had proposed several candidates to lead Alicante’s socialist candidacy but faced rejection until Sanguino’s name emerged as a possibility. Puig backed a local group that was already weakened, and Gabriel Echavarri’s name did not salvage the situation before the campaign began. Sanguino’s leadership came to symbolize an inexperienced, unprepared approach to city politics.
Thus the tenure of the spokesman deteriorated into a cycle of internal strife and public showmanship. The spokesman clashed with his own group and with the opposition, presenting daily speeches that felt more like milongas than policy. His remarks about Madrid and Valencia reflected the broader political reach of the party, but the practical impact on Alicante’s governance remained limited. Municipal regulations were invoked to justify dismissals, while the overall issue persisted: Sanguino’s influence appeared to weaken the Socialist position ahead of the next election. Critics argued that his efforts only served to erode the party’s credibility rather than strengthen it. The central question remained: did he contribute to any tangible improvement, or did he merely consume attention without delivering results? The record suggests the latter, with Sánchez and Puig previously taking the lead before Sanguino’s emergence.
The PSOE in Alicante has become a political open wound to which few want to approach, as it continues to swallow the party’s authority and resources.
Of course, accountability rests with Puig and the decision to elevate certain figures. Even as the situation worsens, a straightforward, orderly transition seems unlikely. Ángel Franco, who has led the party through years of setbacks, carries much of the blame, but every party member in the city also bears responsibility. If Franco continues to steer from the inside, immobilizing the party and limiting alternatives, it reflects a broader failure to present a coherent path forward. No successor has emerged who can garner broad support across factions, and past dissidents have not formed durable challenges. The party’s leadership has repeatedly failed to secure votes in late-stage congresses, underscoring a persistent disconnect with its base. In Alicante, the party’s trajectory has become a cautionary tale of missed opportunities and stalled renewal. The ongoing dynamic suggests that the party’s core challenges are structural, not purely personal, and that a credible alternative leadership is needed to redraw the map for future elections.
The Socialist group has scheduled a poll to decide who should lead their candidacy and intends to begin that process after the summer.
What will unfold next? The situation resembles more of a damage-control exercise than a coherent plan. Even as the group struggles to agree on how to remove Sanguino, there is little enthusiasm for defending his record. The leadership seems oblivious to the surrounding developments, consumed instead by internal battles. A shortlist of names has circulated recently, including Main Barcelona, Josephine Good, Michael Millana, and Trini Amoros, each with varying levels of public support. The aim is to nominate a mayoral candidate as soon as possible, ideally by September. The plan would then extend to Valencia and Madrid, where the campaign structure would align behind the chosen figure, while the local government and party machinery work to champion the nomination. Whether they succeed is anyone’s guess. As the author has observed before, there is a clear distinction between pessimism and optimism in politics. The Alicante PSOE currently offers more room for optimism than realism suggests.
Lord Jones was once a Secretary of the Treasury
JRG
A regional official, Francesc Colomer, is cited as having acted like a lobbyist for the Hospitality Operators Association Hosbec due to opposition to a tourist tax. The question arises whether those who oppose the tax are seen as lobbying for rivals in other regions. Some observers note that several mayors have refused to implement the tax, leaving the matter unsettled. A protest letter from the District Treasury Secretary, Francisco Gamero, to defend the tax shows how charged this topic remains. In media coverage, there are moments when the past is revisited, including references to a figure named Lord Jones. The narrative now introduces the reality that an treasury secretary named Gamero exists and has influenced the current discussion on fiscal policy. The outcome remains unsettled, with implications for how political actors engage with tax policy, lobbying, and regional governance.