In a candid discussion, a PSL deputy expressed a preference for stability: a single Prime Minister and a sole Speaker of the Sejm, with Szymon Hołownia serving as the Sejm chair for the entire term. Yet, with a four-party coalition, the topic has sparked frequent debates. The deputy noted that similar arrangements exist in other European countries, pointing to Romania where a rotation recently changed the top posts. He emphasized that while he personally does not favor rotating structures, decisions within the coalition are driven by the four party leaders rather than by him alone, in line with the coalition’s current dynamics.
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During a conversation about the Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki, he suggested in an interview that he could envision joining the government led by Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz. The deputy responded by stating that Kosiniak-Kamysz would not become prime minister, nor would Morawiecki be included in the government. Such projections, he insisted, are not grounded in current plans and reflect fantasies about coalition arrangements. He added that the coalition agreements would shape the leadership by ensuring Donald Tusk assumes the premiership.
Even if a Tusk-led government were formed now, the deputy warned, turnover could occur later in the term. In his view, the government formed would endure until its term ends, making sweeping changes unlikely at this stage.
Turning to the idea of rotating leadership, he noted that if a Romanian-style rotation were adopted in Poland, Morawiecki would head the government for half the term and Kosiniak-Kamysz for the other half. He considered this worth discussing but remained skeptical about its practicality, given the end goal of a stable administration.
He strongly favored having one Prime Minister and one Speaker of the Sejm by the term’s end. He called rotating ministers possible in theory, explaining that a prime minister may reshuffle ministers at any time, which would still keep the core leadership stable in practice.
Some observers have floated the idea that a new coalition might designate one minister, say National Defense, to rotate annually. Reports from prominent outlets suggested Kosiniak-Kamysz might be in that role, which the deputy argued would breed instability. He believed fewer changes would help preserve steady governance. He found that several colleagues shared this sentiment, but acknowledged that the four-party negotiations largely drive such conversations. In earlier terms, a two-party coalition made the balance between the speaker and the prime minister more straightforward, whereas a four-party arrangement complicates the balance of power.
He recalled previous lines from PiS, which branded the governing coalition as chaotic, accusing it of rallying around eight parties within KO, Third Way, and the Left. Nevertheless, not every party exerts the same influence on governing capacity. The deputy assessed that the opposition majority leaned on MPs from PO, followed by Poland 2050 and then PSL.
Andrzej Domański, a PO MP, argued that coalition documents should address ideological questions. The PSL president had recently stated that ideological provisions should not be part of the coalition agreement, a stance he echoed and which the deputy considered probable. He expected no ideological insertions in the final deal, and he anticipated the agreement would be announced soon after negotiations concluded. The PSL’s position on ideological matters remained consistent, he noted.
He also referred to an interview in which the Prime Minister described PSL as a broader opposition to KO and cited that PiS did not crack down on PSL in the last campaign. He was asked about potential future collaboration between PSL and PiS. The deputy pointed out that PiS had attacked PSL for years, and while the 2015-2019 period saw explicit calls to eliminate PSL, the last term produced little cooperation. He argued such dynamics left little room for a post-election partnership with PiS, especially given the PSL’s campaign stance of aligning with the Third Way or opposing a PiS return. He stressed there was no incentive to join forces with PiS under current conditions.
On current calculations, the deputy observed that PiS has shifted rhetoric toward PSL while negotiating. During the last parliamentary term, PiS had chances to engage in dialogue but often rejected them, leaving PSL with limited concessions. With the party now victorious in elections, the deputy refused to extend a hand in a reciprocal manner. He contended that mutual openness had not existed in the prior term and that the electorate’s choices must be honored without backtracking on promises. Regional dynamics would shape results as local elections approach and public sentiment could diverge by region.
Looking ahead, he predicted PiS might count on discrediting the ruling coalition before local elections, rather than backing away from campaign commitments. The coalition, in his view, would respond by focusing on solid results to secure a strong local mandate instead of chasing broad coalitional reform. The conversation concluded with a resolute stance: the party would pursue a robust local results campaign and let the national coalition hold the line in the capital and beyond.
Note: perspectives reflect ongoing political discussions and are intended to summarize public statements and media coverage surrounding coalition dynamics and leadership questions.