The 28M moment unsettled the left after the fall of the Generalitat palace. A first jolt came from the PP-Vox agreement that displaced Botànic and brought Carlos Mazón to the presidency, followed by a wave of confusion that could realign the plans of the PSPV and Compromís. After the summer, the opposition sharpened its focus on weaknesses within the new Consell, with Vox taking the leading role in that critique. The episode where PSPV and Compromís stood united under a single banner after the most recent killings of sexist violence remains a notable exception, the only time two left-leaning parties joined forces against the Consell. Socialists and Valencians stress that Botànic is a government pact, not an opposition agreement. The left reports, We have governed the country together for eight years, and now each is pursuing its own opposition project. The election of the PP ally Maria Josep Amigó to the Compromí deputy seat, by voting for the Mesa de las Cortes over socialist Josefina Bueno, signaled that the 2015 pact signed and renewed in 2019 had already run its course. In the early days, PSPV and Compromís issued separate accusations toward the Government, though often along parallel lines. The Socialists argued that the Consell had run into bankruptcy, incompetence and a lack of initiatives. They criticized the tax break that benefits 22,600 high earners, arguing that abolishing the Inheritance and Gift Tax would be a misstep that aligns with a far-right stance and undermines a consensus on gender violence. They also critiqued what they see as a breakdown in policy coordination. In matters of language policy, the criticisms grew louder as well. The diagnosis is similar for Compromís. They described the school-year start as the worst in memory, argued that tax benefits flow to those who need them least, and claimed that one component of the Government denies sexist violence while another seems to be compensating for it. They also pointed to reports involving Vicente Barrera and José Antonio Rovira to Antifraud, noting their prior roles as corporate executives after serving as vice president and Education Minister, respectively.
It’s a bitter pill
The first hundred days also tested the endurance of PSPV and Compromís, illustrating a hard truth about power: it wears down those who start without a strong base. Losing the Generalitat proved a painful setback, shifting internal dynamics and potentially reshaping both parties’ priorities. Rebeca Torró rose as the leading voice for the PSPV during the Consell period. Pilar Bernabé, who oversees the Valencian Community Government, assumed a central role as the new deputy secretary general for education. The future of Ximo Puig remains a major factor, yet everything hinges on Pedro Sánchez’s trajectory and how the formation of a national Government could influence internal balances. Compromís welcomed Joan Baldoví to Las Cortes after eleven years in Congress. The Sueca leader took on the coalition’s leadership, a role not without turbulence. The initiative continued beyond the coalition’s formal structures due to Enric Morera becoming a Senator, while resignations persisted amid leadership disputes. Behind the scenes, Sumar’s entry, the potential reshaping of the left-out area of the Cortes by the EU and Podem, and the judicial case involving Mónica Oltra all contributed to the unsettled climate, shaping the political dialogue across the region.