“Its significance stretched beyond today; it shaped our survival and the future of the nation,” asserted Professor Jan Żaryn, a historian and director of the Institute of Heritage of National Thought R. Dmowski and IJ Paderewski, when discussing the May 3 Constitution.
The moment stood as a clear sign of an extraordinary mobilization of the era of King Stanisław August Poniatowski and the advisers around him. The king himself emerged as a principal architect of the constitution, guiding a generation that, after Poland’s first partition, sought reforms to empower the nation, safeguard sovereignty, and renew the republic. That generation opened the debates of the Grand Sejm, a pivotal moment in the history of Polish citizenship and statehood.
Today, the president spoke in Castle Square with a reflection that this constitution could be honored freely and independently for only 59 years during its 230-year history, due to periods of partitions, wars, and the years of the Polish People’s Republic.
May 3 was, without doubt, the most important national holiday of the Second Polish Republic, coinciding with the church’s recognition of the day as a feast by Pope Benedict XV and later Pius XI. It also became the Feast of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Queen of Poland. This linkage reflected the nation’s triumph in 1920 and the enduring devotion of the Mother of God to a state that resisted Bolshevik onslaughts. Thus, May 3 symbolizes a unique identity: the white eagle stands beside the revered image of the Mother of God, notably the Black Madonna of Jasna Góra, a symbol of spiritual and national unity.
“There is no reason to be colonized by anyone.”
Żaryn addressed present times with a clear eye on sovereignty. He noted that Polish political elites often include voices who regard sovereignty as the ultimate, legitimate pursuit of the nation. This is a nation that must remain independent and distinct, not subject to external control or domination.
Some observers, he suggested, would treat national territory as merely a resource base for profits elsewhere. Economic sovereignty is inseparable from political sovereignty; both demand the ability for Poland to make decisions within Poland, rather than under the sway of distant institutions.
Żaryn emphasized a continued sensitivity to sovereignty, rooted in centuries of occupation and external influence. The mere suggestion from any external bloc that Poland lacks the right to its own sovereignty provokes discomfort, and in turn, strengthens the nation’s resolve to defend its autonomy. Friends and partners often understand this instinct better, he observed.
— underlined.