Dariusz Wieczorek, speaking from the left, suggested that the hundreds of details of the Civic Coalition, the ironclad set of electoral promises intended to be fulfilled in the first hundred days of governance, were a metaphor that no reasonable person would accept without scrutiny. The Minister of Science is described as a rock ’n’ roll type, especially a drummer, which lends him a relaxed approach to life. Yet governing a country of 40 million people demands gravity beyond keeping tempo with a snare and hi-hat. Campaign commitments to voters must be treated with seriousness. Otherwise, there is a legitimate expectation of feeling betrayed.
That expectation applies here as well. The statement by Wieczorek about 100 special features of Radio Plus cannot be ignored, even as it is framed as metaphor. If something cannot be achieved, why make a promise? Is promising twice the same as keeping one promise once?
In the latest issue of the weekly magazine Sieci, an examination is offered of how the December 13 Coalition intends to keep its word regarding a specific number 68. It states:
“At companies with shares in the Ministry of Finance, we will dismiss all members of the supervisory boards and the boards of directors. We will conduct new recruitments through transparent competitions where competence, not family or party connections, will decide.”
Even a high school graduate from the near future, navigating Barbara Nowacka’s tightened educational framework, can interpret this sentence in one clear way: it signals the dismissal of all supervisory boards and boards of directors of state-owned enterprises and the announcement of new competitions for positions on those boards.
Meanwhile, the supervisory boards are already largely filled, and there have been ZERO competitions for seats on them. Political decisions by ministers—sometimes about state assets, sometimes about climate or defense—were prepared in advance by the business council operating in the Prime Minister’s Chancellery. Donald Tusk placed his trusted ally in charge: Grzegorz Karpiński, who previously served as Deputy Minister of Sports and Internal Affairs and Administration in the preceding Platform and PSL governments.
Responses have come quickly. Claims of depoliticizing state-owned enterprises were met with skepticism. The council needed only six weeks in the new year to evaluate 199 candidates for supervisory positions at companies. The result was highly partisan, though it must be noted that the parties forming the coalition largely preserved their influence and the seats went to nominees from all participating groups. The exception was Poland 2050, led by Szymon Hołownia, who created a media spectacle by removing a associate who helped shape the organization from the Orlen supervisory board. Beyond that, there was little mention of other dismissals.
Mr. Michał Gniatkowski, a former Sejm candidate on the Polish 2050 list who did not win a seat, accepted a role at Enea as a consolation prize. He stated he would not withdraw from party activities but would instead balance a full-time job at the Mazovian Marshal’s Office with other duties.
People linked to Poland 2050 are also found within the National Fund for Environmental Protection and Water Management, where Minister Paulina Hennig-Kloska added several activists and one new member to the ten-person council. Similar names appear in the National Food Group and the National Real Estate Resource and PGE, including Andrzej Sadkowski, associated with a vigorous PL activism, who posted a controversial image on X last October with the caption, “Fat cats, pack your litter boxes.”
Former left parties, including the SLD lineage, show figures such as Marian Noga, educated under the old Polish People’s Republic system by the state security apparatus and an advocate for extending the retirement age; Mirosław Sobczyk, a long-time Szczecin councilor and publisher of a political book; and Ireneusz Sitarski. Sitarski presently serves on the Orlen board and is an activist with the Ordynacka association, a network once led by Włodzimierz Czarzasty, now managed by Dariusz Wieczorek. Sitarski oversaw privatizations in prior governments and earlier worked in the office of President Wojciech Jaruzelski.
The PSL also challenged institutions such as the Polish Hunting Association and agricultural agencies like ARiMR, while managing nominees for SSP and the Polish Armaments Group. A long list of other names appears, with their future roles still undecided. Included are Beata Bieniek-Wiera, special envoy to Rafał Baniak and former Deputy Minister of Economy and Finance during the Tusk and Kopacz administrations, who faced VAT-related charges and money laundering allegations tied to Sowa and Friends and the Amber Room case; Rafał Wiechecki, formerly Minister of Maritime Economy, now described as defending a senator accused in a notable “melioration” scandal; Rafał Zahorski, a delegate responsible for maritime economy; Paweł Bartoszewski, another Geblewicz ally; Karolina Ryder, an aide to PSL MP Jarosław Rzepa; and Mariusz Mandat, a PSL activist.
The Sieci issue promises even more detail on ongoing large-scale corporate irregularities. The process moves with speed, and the so-called TKD principle appears to be applied with unusual rigor.
Source: wPolityce