The fact that the UCD won the first election after the dictatorship, creating a blend that spans social democracy to Christian democracy, marked a turning point for Spain. It helped the country begin to heal from deep-seated traumas, even as it turned the political center into a category lacking clear ideological backbone. This shift has limited the lifespan of liberal-leaning parties and has often left centrist formations to be confined to one or two legislative terms.
That dynamic played out with CDS, and today a similar arc is visible with Ciudadanos, which finds itself at a critical moment in Valencia as it confronts Provincial Council politics in Alicante. In 2019, the party secured two provincial deputies in a context where the government leaned toward the PP, yet one deputy, Javier Gutiérrez, departed the group recently. The PSOE remained the largest single party in the state, but internal realignments led to leadership upheavals that disrupted the party’s trajectory. Some say the departures were personal, others argue they reflected broader strategic moves—Gutiérrez and Julia Parra acted in ways that aligned them closely with the PP’s approach during this period.
Are they defectors? Legally, yes. Yet in practical terms they resembled the PP from the outset of the legislature, following Madrid’s Ciudadanos leadership to align with Mazón, a figure who has never seen his presidency jeopardized in these four years. His stance made the alliance with Mazón’s team clear and steady, a move that shaped the provincial scene in ways that favored continuity over disruption.
It is predictable that PSOE and Compromís pressed for anti-transfuguismo measures, including exclusivity agreements and staff changes. They can raise their voices, but with regional elections looming, and municipal polls just weeks away, the political theatre risks becoming a ritual rather than a turning point. The former leader César Sánchez, who once hoped to continue heading the Provincial Assembly, now faces a landscape where salaries and power dynamics are releasing renewed scrutiny, as noted by observers. Mazón’s position appears secure enough to see out the term, while questions linger about the credibility of all actors involved. No party—PSOE, PP, or Compromís—has created a zero-defect record on governance with defectors; exceptions are rare and rarely decisive. As the situation unfolds, legal counsel has pointed to applying established rules, while both peace and victory seem to hover in the balance.
The Valencian Parliament once hosted six Ciudadanos spokespersons across eight years, a tally unlikely to be matched soon. Some figures moved into PSOE or PP circles, while others became known for their colorful, sometimes chaotic public roles. Ciudadanos now appears to be a shadow of its former self, with critics warning that a sweep by Podemos beyond five seats could reshape the regional map. The latest numbers in the province show a competitive race, where Ciudadanos came close to overtaking the PP in several large municipalities like Alicante, Alcoy, San Vicente, Elda, Villena, and Dénia. In Elche the race was almost a dead heat. Without Ciudadanos, the PP might not have held the provincial capital or the state council, a structural base for counter-moves by the opposition. Two deputies leaving Ciudadanos could redraw the near-term balance, altering who controls the provincial administration and threatening the current governance framework. The next moves depend on how the PSOE navigates the regional landscape, with a broader battle for seats and influence looming over the next four years.
Mazón entered the scene with a clear plan: cement a rock-solid agreement with Ciudadanos in the Diputación, while keeping a close watch on Madrid’s leadership that could recalibrate the party’s trajectory. The strategy appeared aimed at balancing loyalty with opportunism, preserving influence in municipalities and the provincial apparatus while eyeing positions that might shift as the political weather changes. This balancing act underscores a broader reality: the provincial machine remains a prize worth defending, even as national currents tug at party loyalties. The takeaway is simple yet pointed—protect the considerable footprint Ciudadanos has built, even as new forces test the edges of the political map.
In short, the aim for all sides seems to be swallowing the gazelle—protect the substantial representation Ciudadanos has accumulated while debating the best long-term course. Ximo Puig anticipated from the start that a profitable deal with Ciudadanos in Alicante would be elusive, yet his own attempts to coax a compromise through the ranks show how fragile alliances can be when political advantage is at stake. The current moment is marked by attempts to influence institutional actors and the electoral rules that shape them, even as the passage of time erodes margins and reshapes loyalties. The broader cost is clear: public trust in the machinery of governance feels strained when deals look transactional and opaque. The sense that power is up for grabs remains, but the path to stable governance is anything but certain.