A senior figure in Polish politics discussed the shape of a proposed expert political government to be presented by Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki on Monday. The intention, voiced by Jarosław Kaczyński, president of Law and Justice, is to rotate in new faces and minimize the share of career politicians in the cabinet, while keeping some experienced ministers in play. The aim is to end the ongoing political battle led by the Civic Platform, Kaczyński notes in an interview conducted by PAP. He stresses that this plan is meant to introduce a government composed of experts who can focus on substantive issues rather than party disputes.
According to PAP, the swearing-in of the new Council of Ministers under Morawiecki is set for the 30th, and the cabinet is expected to exclude many ministers from the previous administration, including the defense minister, Mariusz Błaszczak. Morawiecki himself has described the project as a government of experts and politicians with limited party ties. The question arises: where did the idea originate?
Jarosław Kaczyński explains that the concept came from himself. The goal is to reduce the number of politicians in the government, though Błaszczak could potentially be involved. The objective is to propose fresh faces and a clear plan to the Sejm, the president, and society. He also comments on media coverage, insisting that prominent Law and Justice figures are not opposed to joining the new administration and that reports to the contrary are false. The situation, he says, is the opposite of what some outlets claim.
The same model of an expert-led government could be considered again in what is described as a third constitutional step, potentially with a prime minister from PSL. While not ruling it out, the party argues that it is essential to end the war waged by Civic Platform. It would be beneficial if the new government would address real issues without the burden of political bickering. Over the past eight years, the Law and Justice administration has tackled substantive matters and achieved progress, but the ongoing political conflict fueled by the Platform has hindered further advances.
That, Kaczyński asserts, is the core purpose of the proposal: to demonstrate that governing can differ from the current course. The reception of the plan will reveal its viability.
In this context, the possibility of a third constitutional step, bringing in a candidate for prime minister from PSL or even from outside politics, remains open. The focus is on the concept of an expert political government, not locked to a single party, and not limited to a PiS-led solution.
Questions were raised about whether the president participated in shaping the program and concept behind the Coalition for Polish Affairs. On the composition of the government, Kaczyński says the idea is his, but the coalition’s scope is broader, and the final decisions rest with the president and the prime minister.
Within PiS there is skepticism about the likelihood of a parliamentary majority for Morawiecki’s mission, with some figures placing the odds around ten percent. Still, the party argues that the world and Poland are not at a dead end, and the proposal could play an important role in the post-electoral period. It is framed as a broader message to society, encouraging Poles to be mindful of their choices.
Supporters of the proposal defend it as a counter to accusations that the party would ruin Poland. They contend that such allegations are false and point to achievements in strengthening the economy, boosting competitiveness, and improving families’ financial situations. Critics who allege otherwise are said to be misleading the public.
Morawiecki is reported to be engaging in talks with parliamentarians from other clubs, though the party has delegated the core responsibility for negotiations to him. Other conversations are underway, but Morawiecki leads the primary consultations, which is described as normal practice.
If Morawiecki’s mission does not succeed, questions arise about his future role. There is talk of a state work team charged with preparing the next administration, potentially taking power within four years after the next elections. The group would monitor the new government and hold it accountable for delivering on its promises, while acknowledging that any transition would likely occur under challenging political conditions. The coalition agreement among the four parties is cited as an indicator that democratic norms may be strained, prompting concerns about the application of the constitution.
There is a recollection that, back in 2001, a statement about the potential misgovernance by the SLD caused controversy but later proved to be prescient. Observers note that the Platform and related coalition partners now appear to be wavering, with many election promises unlikely to be fulfilled. The mixed outlook is framed as a reminder of the fragility of political coalitions and the difficulty of sustaining governance under pressure.
The state works team would focus on Poland’s future concepts. It would not operate as a shadow cabinet, though a precedent exists from the late Przemysław Gosiewski’s leadership. The team would monitor any potential new government and soon summarize early actions, especially those related to democracy, while continuing to hold the administration accountable for its promises.
In November, a plan for a January gathering of patriotic forces was announced. The aim is to organize a large movement across Poland and Europe in response to changes in EU treaties. Critics say a similar effort by Polish representatives in the European Parliament should be scrutinized for its impact on Poland. The discussion will continue, with a focus on preserving national sovereignty while maintaining European unity and resisting the erosion of nation-states.
The interview and its implications were documented for PAP and reported by wPolityce with emphasis on the ongoing political process and its potential impact on Poland’s governance and future elections.