The Struggle in Argentina: Street Mobilization Meets Parliament
In these hours, Argentina faces a double challenge that plays out both on the streets and inside Congress. The first front is a mass mobilization of workers, supported by Peronism and various left factions, uniting to oppose the Decree of Necessity and Urgency (DNU) and the Omnibus Bill. The package aims to shrink the state to its bare bones, deregulate the economy, privatize state assets, and trim a wide range of social benefits. At the same time, President Javier Milei pushes bold initiatives, triggering litmus tests in the House of Representatives. The government has made concessions to centrist and traditional right-wing opposition factions to advance a plan of what supporters call reconstructing the country. The 12-hour strike and the visible street pressure before Parliament seek to shape the legislative outcome and sway hesitant lawmakers. CGT leader Héctor Daer warned that dialogue could come with consequences for those who choose to walk the streets.
The immediate economic climate—25 percent inflation following a 1,188 percent devaluation in December and a similar outlook for this month—feeds a broader crisis that intensifies public distress. Milei’s hardline stance contrasts with a public mood grappling with rising costs and shrinking purchasing power. His rhetoric, supported by social-media momentum, has become a powerful force in shaping a national power project. Yet the CGT-led mobilization on the ground signals that the street and the legislative arena are not separate battles but two fronts of the same struggle. The anger over rising prices and limited family budgets is not confined to virtual spaces; it spills into everyday life and public transport, challenging the government’s agenda.
Milei acknowledges the scale of the challenge but remains confident in victory. On the 24th he asserted that two Argentinas exist: one clinging to the past and another aiming to become a developed country. The street protests and parliamentary resistance are depicted as interconnected battles, with Milei defending his reforms in a fervent broadcast of conviction. He claimed that, once the impact of the DNU measures becomes clear, Argentina would resemble a nation like Germany in economic resilience.
Totalitarian Regimes and Democratic Tensions
With nearly half of the population facing poverty, the country appears to have limited space for the economic experiments the president has proposed. He warned at Davos that Western economies may tilt toward socialism, yet his government remains confident in overcoming opposition. Security preparations are being stepped up to deter spontaneous demonstrations near Congress. If the Omnibus Law were enacted, critics warned, the right to strike could be curtailed, and organizers could face penalties. Minister of Security Patricia Bullrich offered limited concessions to lawmakers, slightly expanding the number of people who can be disciplined for occupying public spaces. The core question remains: should Congress vote on the proposed reforms as originally drafted, or are changes necessary to address social and economic realities? Critics from the Center for Legal and Social Research (CELS) note that some provisions resemble those seen in less democratic contexts, arguing that protest rights may be framed as threats to public order.
Bullrich argued that Argentina must establish order both economically and socially on the streets, signaling a tough stance against protests. Officials suggested potential legal actions against mobilization participants, and discussions floated reducing working hours for state employees who joined demonstrations, despite constitutional protections. Labor leaders warned that attempts to crush the labor movement would backfire. Pablo Moyano, a prominent union voice, reminded government allies that if dictatorship-like moves cannot defeat organized labor, a reformist government that feeds on promises of eradicating a perceived caste may not endure either. The history of 2001, when Bullrich herself faced hardship during a period of profound crisis, looms as a cautionary tale.
Parallel Negotiations and Concessions
Amid mounting tensions, the Executive branch released a revised Omnibus Bill to lawmakers who lean toward cooperation with far-right factions. As a sign of goodwill, about a third of the articles were removed. Changes address pensions in an inflationary environment and include a one-year cap on the public emergency across economic, fiscal, pension, security, health, tariff, energy, and administrative matters, plus delegation of legislative authority. The YPF oil company, once earmarked for privatization, was effectively moved off the tender list. Other assets could be altered in scope, while some financial protections for third-party funds were tightened. The government also retreated from dismantling cultural institutions such as the National Film Institute and the National Endowment for the Arts, which critics say are strongholds of the political left. Yet even with these concessions, Peronism maintains that the underlying framework of the enterprise remains intact and could precipitate a broader national crisis.
There is a clear limit to Milei’s negotiating space, grounded in a belief that public support and parliamentary backing must be earned. In a bid to emphasize unity, the President directed that all official documents from the central and decentralized administrations bear a unifying motto termed the Year of Defense of Life, Freedom and Property. The outcome of these negotiations will shape how far the government can push reforms while managing labor tensions and public sentiment.