Red Sea Mission Debates Shape European and Western Responses
European capitals have questioned a proposed international naval operation led by the United States to manage a Red Sea mission amid Yemen’s conflict. Spain, France, and Italy have shown hesitation about placing their ships under Washington’s command, signaling a preference to preserve autonomy over their naval assets. Rome has echoed a similar concern. While the White House initially named these three partners as potential participants, officials in Madrid, Paris, and Rome signaled reluctance. Traditional Middle East allies, including Saudi Arabia, have also shown caution about joining a force that might appear to bind their actions to a US-led plan. The reasons behind this reticence are widely discussed among policymakers, analysts, and observers.
Insufficient official detail has left room for multiple interpretations. There is broad alignment that the Biden administration is providing political and military support to Israel in its Gaza operations. Aligning ships with American assets could be seen as a provocative step amid ongoing strikes in Gaza, a factor that risks political optics at a time when several governments are trying to balance public opinion and diplomatic credibility. Mediterranean and European governments, in particular, weigh the symbolism of any joint command against the practical need to ensure safe maritime routes without appearing to coordinate directly in active combat zones.
One Yemen specialist told this publication that Spain’s stance aims for consistency. Pressuring Israel over Gaza while joining a Washington-led force would create a mixed signal. The analyst suggested Spain could play a constructive role as a mediator, leveraging credibility gained in Arab circles.
Public anger over Israel’s Gaza campaign also shapes leaders’ positions. A YouGov poll cited by Reuters indicates that a large portion of Western Europeans, especially in Spain and Italy, believe Israel should halt or reassess its Gaza operations.
David Hernández, a professor of International Relations at Complutense University, explains that European governments face electoral considerations. Voters in several countries oppose deeper involvement in such missions, underscoring the political risk many leaders navigate when shaping security commitments.
A risky mission
The U.S. administration has underscored concerns about the dangers of a Red Sea operation. Yemeni rebels have attacked or seized vessels near the Bab el-Mandeb Strait since late November, showing solidarity with Gaza and raising the stakes for any maritime security effort.
A security analyst notes that while there is a desire to avoid portraying opposition to Israel or the United States, a credible command structure may require ships equipped with robust air defenses. The discussion centers on how to deter drones and missiles, particularly from the Houthis, while maintaining a clear chain of command.
Spain’s position aligns with a cautious European Union posture that already limited the Atalanta mission extending into the Red Sea. The operation, which began as a counter-piracy effort in the Indian Ocean, has prompted debates about capabilities and readiness. Spain contributes older frigates with limited anti-air defenses, a factor critics say is essential if the fleet is to withstand aerial and missile threats.
On October 26, the frigate Victoria replaced Navarra in this mission. These vessels are Santa María class ships from the 1980s, armed with a 76 mm gun, two 25 mm close-range guns, machine guns, and a reconnaissance helicopter. Analysts note that they were designed for counter-piracy operations off the Horn of Africa rather than high-intensity theater warfare. Yemeni drones and Iranian-supplied missiles—types seen in recent attacks—could reach ranges into the Gulf of Aden and parts of the Red Sea.
The case for a more capable fleet is clear. Analysts propose deploying frigates with stronger air-defense systems. Five Álvaro de Bazán-class F-100 ships, equipped with long-range radar and defensive missiles, would markedly bolster protections. Yet most of Spain’s modern fleet is over a decade and a half old and would require upgrades, complicating any swift enhancement of capabilities.
These considerations echo remarks from Spain’s leadership, who emphasized that Brussels should not expand the Atalanta mission in its current form. The aim, in their view, is to manage risk with a framework that fits the evolving security landscape, noting that the nature of the challenge today differs from past undertakings.
The president did not rule out or confirm participation in a separate Red Sea operation not tied to Atalanta. He explained that Spain would not oppose a new initiative if it operates under NATO or EU auspices. Talks with the U.S. president did not alter the broader stance or substantive position.
Allies remain aligned with a broader coalition
On December 19, a White House statement described a multinational effort involving twenty nations and major shipping and energy interests to safeguard Red Sea navigation after BP halted its use of the Suez route. The plan envisions a broad operational footprint around Africa with a ten-day horizon and a cost framework that would impact global maritime traffic.
Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin asked for a coalition including the United Kingdom, Bahrain, Canada, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Seychelles, and Spain to carry out Operation Prosperity Guardian.
Spain quickly rejected direct participation outside the NATO or EU framework. Italy issued a similar statement, noting ships would be deployed only if merchant interests demanded it, and not under a U.S. command. France confirmed support for secure Red Sea navigation but stated that its ships would operate under French command. One vessel has already shot down a Yemeni attack aircraft.
At present, twelve of the twenty named nations have confirmed involvement. The United Kingdom and Greece have publicly backed the mission, while others such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have shown little interest in joining.