A regional look at power, gender policy and the rise of new right-wing currents in the Americas

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“The Cultural Battle” is the title of a book by the young Argentine writer Agustín Laje that quietly travels across Latin America as a whispered sales secret. Laje, who has millions of subscribers on YouTube, has lately celebrated political moves he long promoted on social networks: conservative governments in Argentina and El Salvador have begun steps to dismantle gender policies in their countries. The Milei administration has gone even further by shutting down the National Institute against Discrimination, Xenophobia and Racism (INADI). “What a beautiful news: the neo-inquisition of INADI is over. The parasites who lived off monitoring and silencing others will have to find honest work,” he proclaimed.

Laje is not alone in the online space, but he embodies a regional moment where, with Milei and Nayib Bukele at the helm, there is a public confrontation with what they call the “gender ideology” and an attempt to render the language of gender a dead letter within the state apparatus, arguing that it is merely a disguise for “cultural Marxism.”

Prior to March 8, the anarcho-capitalist leader ordered the Public Administration to abstain not only from using inclusive language but from anything related to the gender perspective. Milei’s spokesperson, Manuel Adorni, announced that, henceforth, “the letter -e, the at symbol, and the –x will not be allowed.” Simultaneously, the inclusion of the feminine form in all state documents was deemed unnecessary. Henceforth, saying “generala,” “sargento,” or “soldada” would be considered a breach of the rules. The far-right in Argentina intends to go further, with the state’s legal representatives leading efforts to roll back abortion decriminalization.

“Confirmed: every trace of gender ideology has been removed from public schools,” stated the Salvadoran Education Minister, José Mauricio Pineda. Bukele later clarified that all such contents have been expelled from guides, textbooks, and other educational materials.

El efecto Bolsonaro

In 2019 Jair Bolsonaro’s rise to power in Brazil seemed to make the region’s feminist activism less visible as a rule. The former army captain spearheaded this offensive from the presidency. Bolsonaro left office in 2022, and his political career faced a suspension until 2030. On February 25 he addressed a large crowd in Sao Paulo, declaring himself the founder of the ideas now associated with Milei and Bukele.

“We do not want socialism. We cannot accept communism or gender ideology. We defend life from conception. We must work every day to make this a reality,” he proclaimed, convinced that his program would be adopted again by a Brazilian president in 2027, even if he is not a candidate.

“How to pull your daughter out of feminism?”

In Chile, where a constitution with strong gender parity was not approved in the September 2022 plebiscite, another arena fights the gender policies. On April 5, an international conference titled “How to pull your daughter out of feminism?” is scheduled. Vanessa Kaiser, a Chilean activist, will headline: “Millions of women do not feel represented by a collectivist movement that erases individuality. We also reject the claim of being victims of men.” Kaiser comes from a family dedicated to the same struggle. Her brother Alex, author of “The Tyranny of Equality,” is another prominent regional promoter.

Her other brother, Deputy Johanes, aspires to run for president in 2025. He has been known for misogynistic views he now says he regrets. “Those feminist activists who claim they were raped and did not report their aggressors are accomplices in the violence they may have suffered because of their silence,” he once asserted.

“How to pull your daughter out of feminism?” has sparked early controversy in Santiago de Chile. It is seen as an attempt to extend the anti-rights wave generated by Milei across the region. Brazilian Sara Huff, who moved from radical feminism to a fierce antiabortion stance, announced participation in the event. Huff previously used the alias Sara Winter, and her transformation was publicly dramatic in Brazil, later appearing in the book “Seven Times Feminism Betrayed Me” before joining Bolsonaro’s government.

Public discourse around Laje and Huff intersects with remarks by Colombian Senator Maria Fernanda Cabal, who advocates keeping Colombia on a path she believes mirrors that anarcho-capitalist current. “Gender ideology is repulsive. Women should be capable, with the same skills as men, but we will not be equals by force,” she told El Tiempo, Bogotá. “I like a feminine, well-dressed woman who feels attractive to men, but not today’s trend of hatred and aggression.”

Peru’s scandal

Recent shifts in Argentina and El Salvador have reopened debates in Peru, where the General Prosecutor’s Office opened an inquiry into the prime minister’s actions amid alleged harassment of women offered state jobs. “I have committed no illegal act,” Otárola said from Canada before boarding a flight on the order of the provisional president. The Minister for Women cited the need for a rapid and decisive response to the case and urged the justice system to press forward with investigations so it can be resolved as soon as possible.

The minister highlighted the importance of “swift measures” to restore trust and ensure accountability within the state’s leadership, emphasizing that the case deserves a thorough and timely review. The broader regional discourse continues to churn as these developments reverberate through political parties and civil society, shaping conversations about gender policy, state authority, and social values across the Americas.

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