The story begins with a quick turnover in Valencia’s political weather. Under a new ministry, Oscar Puente announced approval for the northern terminal of the Valencia port. After years of hesitation and debate, the milestone suggested a thaw in dialogue between institutions, even though the governing coalitions were not the same color. This unfolded in the lead-up to Christmas, a moment when optimism seemed tangible. Weeks later, that sense of accord extended to another heavyweight on the national stage. The Valencian Community agreed, without protest, to be part of a broader solution to Catalonia’s water challenge, including the possibility of desalinated water being shipped from Sagunto if needed. Shortly after, a provisional framework was laid for an emergency plan concerning Albufera and a baseline agreement on the Taˆjo-Segura water transfer. [Citation: regional governance brief, December]
Two months on, the outlook has shifted dramatically. Conflicts between the Generalitat and the Spanish government have become a near-daily reality. The public face-off between PSOE and Sumar representatives now reaches other institutions led by conservatives, including the Valencia city government. Government insiders describe a “concentration” of disagreements as the product of a coordinated right-wing strategy. On the other side, there is also a capable and more assertive counterweight. The public appearances of Pilar Bernabé, the government representative in the Valencian Community, have intensified in the past week: two infrastructure events, a major interview on public television, and a visible push to amplify her messages. She has stepped forward in public visibility and found receptive platforms for her stance. [Citation: Valencian regional press briefing, recent]
What makes the situation unique is not simply a heated political exchange between a regional government and a parliamentary opposition, but a daily clash between two executive bodies—federal and regional—where the everyday dynamic feels almost lived-in. [Citation: political analysis briefing, 2024]
“What’s happening is that the only policy of this government is to attack the Sánchez administration in order to obscure its own inaction,” notes a government spokesperson in Madrid. [Citation: official briefing, Madrid]
Yet Moncloa is not a passive player in this equation. In recent weeks, it has stepped forward to push back and act as a stabilizing force against PP and Vox. A concrete example is the Any Estellés controversy. The Ministry of Culture has taken ownership of recognizing the Valencian poet, countering the neglect of regional authorities led by Vicente Barrera (Vox). The minister, on a visit to the Valencian Community, championed this flag in person. [Citation: ministry press release, culture delegation]
The same momentum will be on display when the Minister of the Presidency, Félix Bolaños, visits Paterna on Tuesday for a ceremony commemorating democratic memory. The government has also announced it will take cases to the Constitutional Court to challenge recent regional laws on memory, including those enacted in Valencia. Bolaños will be accompanied by Morant, the general secretary of the Valencian Socialists since March 23. [Citation: government schedule, early week]
Against this backdrop, the rising influence of the new leader of the PSPV adds to the mix. Two factors converge here. First, she serves as a minister in Sánchez’s cabinet, signaling alignment between national stars. The Mazón strategy appears clear: place Morant next to the president who has championed amnesty deals with Junts, ERC, and Bildu. [Citation: party leadership analysis]
Second, after the Benicàssim congress, the PSPV ends months of uncertainty and internal battles, organizes its lines, and focuses on countering the PP and Vox. A wave of bills introduced on March 21, framed as a broad reform against the Botànic project from À Punt to anti-fraud measures and multilingual policies, fuels a climate of total confrontation. [Citation: legislative docket update, Valencian PSPV]