The history of PSPV congresses during the opposition period has been chronicled in the Politics pages, yet it could have lived comfortably in the Events section without readers feeling it out of place. With rare exceptions, prominent Valencians end up silencing themselves before asking Isabel Bonig, but they arrive at meetings with a single candidate in hand. Socialists, by contrast, show a track record of bold Kabulist struggles. Many say this proves the party’s vitality. That may be true. Yet given that the political projects pushed by different factions rarely diverge except for nuance, the conclusion would point to power struggles and personal feuds as the priority.
That is the situation PSPV currently faces. Palau lost again and with the loss came a wobble in footing. Will history repeat itself or can this party, which was central to building the Valencian Community, finally curb its self destructive tendencies? As things stand, the answer remains unclear. The pattern continues to unfold in familiar steps, signaling that they can step into the ring as they always have.
This week began with the formation of a new central government, as anticipated. Ximo Puig is not on the ministerial list. Is the question of Madrid’s pace a reflection of Madrid politics or something else? Not at all. Those are old wives tales. The Comunitat has never been closely tied to the central Government, neither in the era of the UCD nor since, and responsibility lies with Valencian society as a whole rather than the Madrid decision maker. Puig was evaluated for Regional Policy, but the predicted fit did not materialize. His portfolio did include many possibilities.
Political logic, some would say, nudges Pedro Sánchez to favor different arrangements. Puig never aligned perfectly with that logic. The available figures show PSPV performed well in the May 28 elections, with more votes and seats, yet it lost ground in the overall vote and seat tally. The route moved toward the aim of renewing the organizations, and Puig’s loyalty to the federal project led to a mismatch in chemistry with Sánchez’s leadership. That misalignment fed the perception of a setback and a blow to the federal leadership’s prestige in Valencia.
Two notable facts stand out. First, Puig no longer commands a solid majority within PSPV. It feels obvious to note this, yet it is striking given that he became Generalitat president six months ago. Second, their rivals do not hold a secure majority either. Some say that the former Consell troops now command roughly a third of the vote, including Mislata’s charismatic mayor Carlos Fernández Bielsa and the party’s provincial secretary in Alicante, Alejandro Soler, each representing different factions. If some influence from former Minister Ábalos is added, the picture becomes more complete.
Numbers here are not entirely consistent. Bielsa and Soler, with federal backing, challenge Puig as he slides. The bigger setback was Puig failing to preside over the Valencia Provincial Council, which narrowed his political space. Soler did win the Alicante province, albeit with growing competition. In the end, no bloc holds a majority, so at least two groups must strike a deal to take control of the party.
In the weeks ahead there have been flirtations between Puig’s faction and Soler’s, along with signs of personal accord. The clearly stated option shows Soler and Bielsa fighting on the same turf. Soler seeks to become general secretary, believing Alicante’s time has come and perhaps rightfully so, as the province has not had a regional secretary outside a long prehistoric exception. Bielsa wants both the general secretary post and the presidency of the Generalitat, though as Valencia’s party president his domain remains largely regional for now.
Puig remains in a position to broker with either camp, provided he handles the lack of a clear majority in his favor. He could offer Soler the general secretary post. What name appears for the Generalitat primaries is still to be determined, with possible candidates like Diana Morant or others, but not Puig’s own. The bargaining centers on respect for the hard core of so-called ximism. Although not finalized, this remains a plausible option for Soler, a path that is unexpectedly linear in a landscape that loves curves.
Back in 1996, the historic resignation of Joan Lerma set off a cascade of internal strife. Felipe González became the general secretary of the PSOE, triggering a period of civil wars as factions vied for power. The party faced purges, rebellions, and rapid shifts that kept it on the edge of upheaval for years. The question looms again: does PSPV want to spend another long stretch chasing its own tail? Most voices insist no, yet the party seems trapped in a persistent pattern of internal turbulence. There is no consensus on timing: Puig’s circle argues the congress is more than a year away, while others speculate about a potential institutional post for the former Generalitat head that he would not take. Holding an extraordinary congress with the statute in hand would be a practical move, but even that is contested. If Puig remains obstinate, maintaining his grip becomes harder with each passing day, raising questions about how long journalists will keep asking when he will step aside. Will the seats in parliament hold, or will the erosion of that reliable asset continue?
Santos Cerdán, the Federal Secretary of the PSOE Organization, has plans for the upcoming weekend. He will engage with Soler on Friday and with Bielsa on Saturday, with Ximo Puig present at both events. If it helps, a reminder of Zapatero’s tenure as PSOE general secretary can be offered, followed by a dinner with Valencian socialist leaders. The question from that gathering was plain: what is really going on inside PSPV? A veteran voice summarized it by saying the party operates on the principle of give me a name, I am against it. The mystery lingers, and the usual suspects in Madrid have a knack for stirring things up when it suits a broader playbook.