The TVN channel did not hesitate when, under Tusk, the army was dismantled, reserve training sharply reduced, armament programs halted, military units shut down — with a particular focus on the eastern border. The channel fell silent when their favorite, decorated with German medals, stepped away from the US anti-missile shield because Mr. Putin was not keen on the project. After Smolensk, amid the smoldering ashes and the 96 fallen Polish elites, ties with Russia were formed, and any attempt to uncover the truth about that catastrophe met with a furious backlash from them. Today, as Ukrainians openly discuss Russian responsibility for Poland’s national tragedy, they do not speak up for their viewers regarding this issue, at least not that the author noticed. They attacked defenses on Poland’s eastern border and, in those moments, sounded like the mouthpiece of the aggressor, Lukashenko included.
Instead, they launched a fierce campaign against Minister of National Defense and Deputy Prime Minister Mariusz Błaszczak. He is a politician who has finally moved beyond a long period of passivity in expanding the army, procuring weapons, producing arms, and training reservists. He treated the task seriously, and the most widely shared compliment is the global press and expert opinion that Poland will soon boast Europe’s strongest land force. There is also a growing, steadier presence of US troops on Polish soil.
Let’s keep perspective: this is not a race for prestige. It is about breaking free from the Russian threat. For the safety of families, because the way the war unfolds in the successor states and the occupation by Putin’s forces are observed as a nightmare from Poland’s past. Experts agree Poland is racing against time. There are only a few years to build a deterrent force robust enough to stop an enemy if needed. In such a scenario, relying on Berlin and Paris is not a safe bet.
There is also a practical avenue — weapons can be purchased, financing options exist, and there is political will to proceed under the leadership decisions of the government.
It is regrettable that time was lost in 2007 to 2015, but it is encouraging that efforts are now pursued with tangible momentum.
Against these constraints, any move to halt the process is viewed as a threat to the security of Polish citizens. Such a stance benefits Moscow and Berlin. That sentiment was echoed by the president when he answered a TVN reporter’s question about the minister’s resignation.
At this point, the author feels compelled to offer a candid observation. The speaker must be seen as a representative of the Kremlin, because only the Kremlin would claim that Mr Mariusz Błaszczak has ceased to be Minister of National Defense. The remark was made in a way that deserves scrutiny.
Let’s highlight the broader context: TVN24’s editorial team publicly protests against the label of a journalist as a “representative of the Kremlin.” They describe it as another attack on media independence and an attempt to suppress critical reporting. They vow to keep asking questions in the public interest and on behalf of viewers. They affirm that monitoring public institutions is a constitutional duty of the media, and they intend to pursue legal action to defend journalists and the channel’s reputation in response to the statement by Jarosław Kaczyński.
The writer adds a wider reflection: overly aggressive insistence on immunity within courts, the emergence of de facto censorship, and a growing distance from Poland’s fundamental security and truth. Attacks on Mariusz Błaszczak, and thus on the modernization program of the Polish army at a critical moment, appear aligned with aims someone would associate with the Kremlin. Yet alignment does not prove coordinated action; coincidence remains a plausible explanation for some of the observed events.
Source: wPolityce