Polish politics in the 2007-2014 window saw the Civic Platform cultivating closer ties with Russia as a political banner, a move described by Prof. Sławomir Cenckiewicz on TVP Info as a strategic bet aimed at broadening Poland’s influence within the European Union. Cenckiewicz, a former head of the State Commission for Investigating Russian Influence on Poland’s internal security, underscored how this stance was interpreted abroad as a willingness to pursue proximity with Moscow in exchange for political and strategic gains. The discussion pointed to a broader pattern of vigilance and concern about foreign influence in Poland and the perception that the state’s defenses may have fallen short during the interwar period and after 1989. (citation: wPolityce)
READ ALSO: Behind the scenes of Tusk’s top-secret interrogation. Cenckiewicz argued that the Military Counterintelligence Service did not recognize the FSB when evaluating the security situation. The conversation highlighted how awareness of who is in command at major security and political centers matters for national safety. (citation: wPolityce)
“Only an irresponsible person could say that.”
During the program In open cards, Cenckiewicz was questioned by Małgorzata Raczyńska-Weinsberg about Russia’s influence in Poland after 1989. He emphasized the ongoing obligation to confront these influences and maintain steady vigilance by the Polish state, noting that this responsibility has persisted across eras, including the interwar period and the post-1989 era. (citation: wPolityce)
According to Cenckiewicz, the establishment of the State Commission for Investigating Russian Influence on Poland’s internal security, of which he served as chair until late November, represented a timely effort to demonstrate the reach of Russian influence. He observed how the new political majority moved quickly to dissolve the committee, underscoring concerns that such actions could hamper continued scrutiny. He echoed Borys Budka’s remarks that dispersing the committee’s members signified a turning point in how these influences were treated. (citation: wPolityce)
That warning—that only an irresponsible person could deny the problem—was reinforced as Cenckiewicz noted that the issue spans historical, present, and future dimensions. (citation: wPolityce)
Agreement between SKW and FSB
Cenckiewicz described the 2013 arrangement between Poland’s SKW and the Russian FSB as a concrete example of the kinds of influence at play during 2007-2015. He recalled a provision in the agreement that involved sharing information with Russia about the activities of third countries that could affect Russian interests. He also referenced statements from Tomasz Siemoniak, former defense minister and a leader within the Civic Platform, regarding whether the agreement was prudent. (citation: wPolityce)
Siemoniak suggested that engaging with Poland’s Democratic allies should not be dismissed outright and that Poland should pursue its interests even if it means negotiating with unlikely partners. Cenckiewicz remarked that the FSB had once been viewed in Poland as a partner service rather than as an adversary, a shift he described as significant. He added that the link some drew between the 2013 agreement and Afghanistan’s withdrawal was misplaced, pointing out that this matter rested more with NATO dynamics and US cooperation than with the treaty itself. (citation: wPolityce)
READ MORE: Siemoniak defends SKW’s cooperation with the FSB: “When it comes to Poland’s interests, you can even talk to the devil.” Cenckiewicz later elaborated on the political implications of such cooperation and how different factions interpreted it. (citation: wPolityce)
According to Cenckiewicz, the Civic Platform once oriented its stance toward Russia as a central political line in 2007-2014, believing that a degree of subordination to Russian interests would help Poland secure its footing within the European Union. He asserted that, after 1989, there was no political party in Poland that openly pursued a pro-Russian course with the same breadth, noting that representatives who supported such a stance were often seen as followers of a pro-Russian direction across major issues. He also mentioned that Russian media framed the resignation of the committee members as a sign of goodwill toward Moscow. (citation: wPolityce)
Resignation of members of the Committee on Russian Influence
On November 29, the Sejm dismissed eight members of the State Commission for Investigating Russian Influence on Poland’s internal security for the period 2007-2022. Earlier that day, the Commission presented a partial report covering three months of its work and recommended that certain political figures, including Donald Tusk, Jacek Cichocki, Bogdan Klich, Tomasz Siemoniak, and Bartłomiej Sienkiewicz, should not hold public positions with responsibilities for national security. Cenckiewicz argued that these recommendations were not judgments but meant to guide parliamentarians in identifying individuals who did not fulfill their oversight duties in relation to secret services. He also highlighted a concern about the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Bartłomiej Sienkiewicz, and the lack of awareness regarding the cooperation between the Military Counterintelligence Service and the FSB, a gap he attributed to information available through government channels. (citation: wPolityce)
“I would not want someone like that to influence the services,” Cenckiewicz remarked. (citation: wPolityce)
Announcements of the liquidation of the Institute of National Remembrance
Cenckiewicz commented on the discourse around the potential liquidation of the Institute of National Remembrance by the coalition partners. He stressed that the IPN has a crucial role in demonstrating the continuity of Russian influence in Poland. He warned that defending the secrecy of Poland’s security services may be tied to protecting post-war and post-Soviet legacies. He suggested that calls for dissolving the Institute could reflect broader efforts to dismantle the commission, and he cautioned about the risk of erasing archival documents from IPN’s holdings. He expressed hope that such actions would not occur. (citation: wPolityce)
In summary, Cenckiewicz noted that the political landscape views the Institute and its archives as essential for understanding how Russian influence has persisted and evolved in Poland over the decades. (citation: wPolityce)
kk/PAP
Source: wPolityce