The dominant opposition ally, a television channel based on Wiertnicza, targets John Paul II. Public reaction suggests that attacking Poland’s most revered figure was a misstep, prompting liberal supporters of the Civic Platform to tremble—waver between actions that could split the nation and others that risk alienating voters who reject militant political rhetoric. To escape this bind, the strategists within the Third Republic circulated fresh faces—pax-like conservatives, Christian Democrats granted permission, and those dubbed the “reasonable conservatives” because they were not aligned with PiS. Into this mix steps Paweł Kowal, delivering the storyline, the messaging, and the PR slogan meant to frame PiS’s campaign around the idea of halting attacks on the Polish Pope.
The call is for credible, well-sourced historical scholarship rather than manufactured sentiment. The question posed is whether John Paul II should be framed as a PiS ally.
About PiS and historical framing
There is a suggestion to enroll John Paul II into PiS as a savvy political theme. For viewers of the widely watched channel and readers of a prominent newspaper, voting for PiS risks being seen as endorsing false accusations against Wojtyła, often swallowed without scrutiny in the heat of political campaigns. The line becomes clear: to enroll John Paul II into PiS is to use him as a device to discredit the opposition. Paweł Kowal, who is described as a historian and conservative Catholic, is urged to address the issue directly, even as some argue that media distortions are not countered simply by footnotes but require a more transparent media response.
Yet the piece argues that Kowal, a conservative Catholic, may have overlooked how a hostile media environment, aided by intelligence actors, could rely on Kowal’s credibility to escalate provocations. In that framing, Kowal’s influence becomes a double-edged sword, especially as the PiS campaign shapes the narrative around Kowal’s stance and the Pope’s legacy.
PiS and the Piłsudski era
The broader problem is that the Third Polish Republic’s political camp often retreats behind the excuse “because PiS.” They refrain from defending John Paul II on the grounds that PiS will win, choosing instead to avoid discussing larger questions: the impact of the Ukrainian conflict on the country, corruption within the European Union, or scandals tied to other parties. They remain silent about other issues to avoid triggering a PiS-favored outcome. In this climate, questions arise about the nation’s history, from the uprisings and the Battle of Warsaw to Solidarity, and whether European history is being rewritten in a way that can be leveraged to oppose PiS. If EU institutions begin erasing pages of history, some within the right wing of the Sejm may resist by invoking the memory of key figures and moments, urging a more independent historical narrative that pushes back against the PiS frame.
Brainwashing and political pressure
The analysis suggests that a portion of the Polish electorate is being steered toward a situation where voting for PiS becomes the proxy for a protest against broader political forces. For some voters who hold traditional values, the pressure feels so strong that personal ties, family influence, and even reverence for John Paul II might be endangered by electoral choices. The piece argues that the effect is dehumanizing, diminishing critical thinking and provoking a passive stance in the face of what is described as provocation and misinformation. It remains unclear whether this strategy will succeed in the upcoming election, but its portrayal emphasizes the emotional and ethical costs of political spin on a deeply symbolic national figure.