In an interview with wPolityce.pl, Prof. Zdzisław Krasnodębski weighs in on the likely trajectory of EU treaty changes and what that could mean for Poland and its citizens. He notes that while social resistance to reforms may be strong, political shifts in Europe could push change forward, and he suggests that the December 13 timeframe could see Poland aligning with broader European adjustments under a coalition government.
Changing treaties – the life of a citizen and his political rights
Do alterations to EU treaties alter everyday life for citizens? The professor, a member of the European Parliament for PiS and a sociologist, provides perspective on how policies might evolve. He emphasizes that the average citizen may not immediately notice private-life changes, yet EU policy shifts could grant Brussels new authorities in areas such as education and family law. Polish practices, reflecting a broad Polish stance over the past eight years, have already kept certain issues within national control. Nevertheless, European legislation could resolve sensitive topics like same-sex marriage or access to abortion, with such changes likely to become evident first in these domains. Additionally, defense matters are at stake as the proposal grows toward a unified European defense, along with potential euro adoption across the union, including Poland, which would directly touch daily routines.
The interlocutor points out that the real issue lies elsewhere: the average citizen could lose influence over political decisions. The shift would not necessarily affect private life, but it would alter political power, challenging the citizen’s role as a chooser of a government that represents the public will rather than simply the ruler. This insight frames the debate around political rights and the citizen’s stake in governance.
The sociologist also draws a historical parallel. After partitions, many Poles did not immediately feel changes, with some historians noting satisfaction at first glance. Sovereign power shifted—from Catherine the Great to Prussia’s king—yet life changed little for a dozen years. The loss of political freedom is often noticed only by those who value it; later, people realized that foreign domination brings economic and cultural deprivation. In the professor’s view, EU institutions now largely pursue the interests of stronger nations, a dynamic that could mirror past patterns if deeper integration occurs.
– remarks the interlocutor of wPolityce.pl.
“It would be difficult to say that Poland is a sovereign state.”
The discussion turns to how quickly treaty changes might be enacted. Krasnodębski invokes the Lisbon Treaty as a reference point, noting that it entered into force after a long negotiation process, taking several years. Despite the patience required in the past, the current system is now in place—votes in the EU Council and new powers for EU institutions such as the European Parliament. In this context, Poland’s ability to advocate for its interests is often tempered, and similar dynamics could appear again with any new treaty changes. Over time, the influence of EU bodies could grow, while Poland’s leverage might recede, a shift that could affect policy areas from energy to climate and beyond.
Poland already faces mandates it must implement, even when choices are contested domestically. Examples include adapting the gas network for hydrogen and electricity, moving away from combustion engines, and broader climate policies—areas that now fall under EU responsibility and mechanically shape the economy and daily life. The concept of the rule of law and European values is presented as instruments shaping cultural and political life within member states, reflecting a broader reconstruction of European life through policy frameworks.
– adds the interlocutor.
Several decisions are already being formed in Brussels, including trade policy. The EU negotiates international trade agreements for member states, which affects issues such as the flow of Ukrainian goods through Polish territory and the border protests of Polish carriers. The decision to open or close the European market has not always rested with Poland, a reality acknowledged by both transporters and farmers who recognize that EU-level decisions do not always align with Polish interests. A current example is the migration package, which essentially means the EU will determine quotas for migrants Poland must accept.
– reminds the sociologist.
“Poland under the coalition government will finally agree to all changes on December 13.”
The United Right government has expressed strong opposition to treaty changes, while PiS lawmakers maintain their stance. The discussion then turns to broader questions about other nations: is it possible to build greater resistance to rapid reforms? The focus has shifted to the European Parliament proposal, which, after garnering a narrow majority, prompted a new phase: the EU Climate Council reportedly agreed to bring the issue to the European Council, where leaders could set up a convention or a faster path forward. The convention would include representatives from all countries and serve as a process gate, with subsequent approval required by the European Conference and ratification by a qualified majority. For now, the European Parliament’s resolution stands as the starting point, with expectations of ongoing negotiations. The core issues likely to be addressed include weakening the unanimity rule in foreign policy and taxation, plus potentially a more unified defense policy.
– explains Prof. Krasnodębski.
Will member states resist? Negotiations are expected to intensify, and from the initial EU Parliament proposal, several provisions have already been removed, including a plan to place forest policy under EU competence. Nordic members, especially Finns, voiced concerns about certain shifts. A proposal for a double simple majority in the European Council and EU Council was deemed unacceptable, and a move to a qualified majority was ultimately adopted.
– adds the professor.
To date, only Hungary has resisted the current trend with consistency. Other countries tend to align for a mix of concessions or pressure. Germany has cultivated a broad bloc of friendly states, including France, Germany, and Italy, within a qualified majority framework. Given the functioning of European bureaucracy and diplomacy, resistance from states could be overcome relatively quickly. The question of social resistance remains, but political readiness for change appears prominent. Poland, under a coalition government, might be compelled to accept the changes by December 13, with the significance of the recent Polish elections understood by European policymakers.
There remains a critical issue: whether sanctions recently imposed should be embedded in the Treaties, potentially removing unanimity from Article 7 procedures and tying budgetary oversight to the rule of law. Such a step would empower European institutions to take far-reaching actions against member states.
– remarks the interviewee from wPolityce.pl.