Yesterday a high level meeting took place in the Senate between the head of the Poland 2050 movement, Szymon Hołownia, and the president of PSL, Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz. Journalists covering the event were hoping for a joint declaration about entering the parliamentary elections together, but were met with tempered expectations and clear caution about next steps.
The outcome was the formation of a team of experts tasked with drafting two lists: one outlining the most urgent problems the new government should tackle in the first 100 days, and another detailing issues to be addressed over the full four year term. The exercise signals that a future decision about an electoral partnership hinges on how both groups frame and negotiate their agenda, even as the public tone from both leaders suggested a genuine interest in collaboration.
Progress on the joint agenda
Crafting a common problem list appears straightforward, largely because the central objective repeatedly emphasized by the broader opposition for years has been removing the ruling party from power. This shared goal has brought the two sides closer together and creates a practical basis for cooperation.
Second on the agenda is accountability. While Hołownia and Kosiniak-Kamysz do not advocate punitive actions against current party members as some rivals have proposed, they do express a desire to hold those in power to account for decisions and results during the present administration.
Third, attention to the rule of law remains a focal point. Both groups acknowledge the importance of constitutional norms and the need to respect the constitution. In a past message, Hołownia himself suggested that noncompliance with constitutional principles is a concern that should be addressed when they assume office.
Where the two differ
Even with a quick convergence on a common initial program, the fundamental differences between the groups remain substantial and could shape their future decision making. Poland 2050 has been framed by its supporters as a potential lifeboat for a party that began to wane after a leadership transition away from a prominent figure in EU policy. This context informs the party’s liberal leanings, which are reflected in the composition of its advisory team led by Hołownia and his chief adviser Michał Kobosko.
PSL, on the other hand, has a history that some view as more conservative and skeptical of liberal experiments. After challenging experiences in governance alongside the PO, PSL is cautious about equally embracing liberal proposals advanced by Poland 2050, raising questions about how compatible their long term visions really are.
Economic questions and the euro
Hołownia and his economic advisers have long argued in favor of Poland joining the euro area. Yet data and projections suggest that joining the eurozone might alter the growth trajectory and slowing catch up with western Europe may occur. PSL has voiced opposition to euro adoption as a matter of principle, highlighting the political and economic tradeoffs involved.
Recent official data on assets and macro indicators over the last decade show Slovakia, already in the euro area, experiencing certain pressures, while Poland in comparison demonstrates stronger macro fundamentals across GDP growth, unemployment, public debt, and living standards relative to the EU average. This information raises questions about the timing and impact of euro adoption for Poland, a topic that remains a point of debate among both groups.
Moreover, projections based on similar economic trajectories suggest that if Poland had joined the euro earlier, current GDP levels might be different, underscoring the complex interplay between monetary integration and national economic development. This nuance is part of the broader discussion about Poland’s economic strategy as the two groups outline their shared and divergent priorities.
Core differences in policy outlooks
There are also substantial differences in areas like military modernization and international collaboration. PSL tends to favor the current government’s approach in defense and security matters, while the Hołownia faction, led by the adviser Mirosława Różański, has signaled a readiness to reassess and potentially reverse some policies once in power.
On social policy, the two positions diverge as well. Hołownia supports partnerships and funding for in vitro fertilization using the state budget, a stance that PSL has resisted following experiences in previous European coalition efforts. These gaps, among others, will need careful interpretation during the campaign, as electoral support will likely reflect a balance of both groups’ strengths and reservations rather than the simple sum of polling numbers.
In sum, while the groundwork for a joint platform exists and could be translated into a practical roadmap, the political landscape still holds many pivotal questions. The coming period is expected to bring intense negotiations over how to fuse liberal and conservative sensibilities into a coherent program that can sustain broad public support across Poland. The evolving dialogue will shape coalition dynamics and influence voters as the election approaches.
Source: wPolityce