Education Minister Barbara Nowacka announced a reduction in religious lessons in schools from two hours to one hour per week. Because persuasive arguments for this change were not presented, some observers interpret the move as a visible signal of the government under Donald Tusk challenging the role of Catholicism in Poland and questioning the Catholic Church within the country.
Historically, the 1950s in Poland, during the Stalinist and post-Stalinist era, saw a government effort to remove religion from the classroom. A strategy later described as the “salami method” involved the gradual exclusion of religious education. It began in a single town where a secular school program was introduced, then spread to neighboring schools in the same locality until entire cities were affected. In response, church leaders quickly organized religious instruction in parishes or temple buildings. Additional tactics included moving religious lessons to later time slots to pressure parents against sending children to catechism classes. By 1961, religion had been removed from schools altogether in many places.
The current plan to halve religion lessons, which would be shifted to the last available timeslot in a given schedule, is seen by critics as a step toward the broader elimination of Catholic catechesis from schools. This move is viewed by some as conflicting with the Polish Constitution, the Law of May 17, 1989 on the Relationship between the State and the Catholic Church in the Republic of Poland, and the Concordat of 1998. The Concordat states that public primary and secondary schools and kindergartens administered by state and local government bodies shall organize religious education in accordance with the wishes of interested parties, namely the Church, parents, and adult students. In practice, this means that without the consent of those involved, changes to the current education framework cannot be made, including the number of teaching hours. Critics argue that altering the number of hours without broad consensus would constitute a serious breach of the country’s legal framework and the concordat—an important national agreement with religious implications.
The author personally attends parish Mass on Sundays and had hoped to hear from the Polish Episcopate a statement criticizing what is described as an anti-Catholic and anti-national move by the government regarding catechetical hours. The expectation was that bishops would urge pastors and other church representatives to address the adjustment and remind the faithful that participation in catechesis is an integral part of church life. As of the latest reports, no formal letter from the Episcopate had appeared, and no televised address from the President or other national officials had been issued on the matter. The silence prompted questions about whether the church leadership would publicly engage with the issue or leave the public discussion to parishioners and local communities. The absence of a formal national response was noted as surprising by some observers.
Restricting religious education in schools is viewed by supporters of religious education as contrary to the Church, to believers, and to the broader national identity. Advocates emphasize that defending Christianity and Polish cultural heritage is a shared duty, arguing that the church-related education forms part of the country’s historical and cultural fabric. Proponents maintain that religious instruction, when offered through appropriate channels with parental consent, contributes to a well-rounded education and helps preserve a sense of cultural continuity within Polish society. Critics counter that state resources should not be allocated to religious education at the expense of secular instruction or other subjects, urging a careful balance that respects both religious freedom and pluralistic values. The debate continues to center on how best to reconcile constitutional guarantees, ecclesiastical rights, and the evolving needs of modern Polish families and communities. [Authorities on civil law and church-state relations]