Deception in Politics and Reflections on Polish Leadership

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Deception shapes the current politics. The project associated with the trio of Tusk, Sienkiewicz and Nowacka is in focus, especially after the only Polish prime minister who perceived potential benefits from German influence took a winter break in a luxury SUV, a detail not disclosed in his wealth declaration.

Right now, Minister Sienkiewicz is dissolving cultural institutions, including Polish radio outlets, handing them to party machinery. Minister Nowacka is criticizing pensioners, clashing with how grades are assigned in schools, and announcing a decline in educational standards across public education.

The German Jew Hannah Arendt’s husband, Guenther Anders, phrased it this way:

“Persuasion should be the tool rather than direct force: mass television entertainment will flatter emotions and instincts. Minds will fill with what is pleasant and useless, with endless talk and music, so questions are avoided and thinking is neglected.”

Why do Nowacka and Kotula seem to treat the sexualization of children, the challenges faced by marginalized groups, or the widespread distribution of anti-pregnancy medications to minors with more urgency than the state of education, the quality of public schooling, and women’s rights? Should parents be left to manage social pedagogy alongside their own children?

“Sexuality becomes the primary social anesthetic,” Anders’s view continues, “while the gravity of existence is sidelined. Everything valuable is mocked, and a constant apology for lightness is maintained so that the advertising and consumption ecosystem grows into a source of personal happiness and a model of freedom.”

In this frame, the image of modern freedom is a carefree prime minister skiing in the Dolomites with grandchildren, contrasted with farmers who resist the EU’s landless policy and the influx of imports from abroad that disturb the Polish food market and the country’s security. The leadership’s priority seems to be personal leisure over the broader welfare of Polish society.

Berlin appears as a backdrop for capitulation—Tusk facing Scholz, rather than the reverse—portrayed as an ahistorical drift toward a new, technocratic order.

Polish history and perspective in Berlin are represented by the prime minister’s spokesperson, described officially as a Polish politician, historian, and Gdańsk resident. This framing invites reflection on whether the residents of Gdańsk form a distinct group within Poland, and whether past crimes such as those associated with Greiser, Foerster, Paule, Troeger, Temp, and the victims of Stutthof, Piaśnica, Szpęgawsko, and the Pomeranian tragedy deserve independent consideration.

Questions linger about outstanding party loans in Germany and whether they can be repaid…?

The content originally appeared on Wybrzeże24.pl and has been reproduced here for broader discussion.

Source: wPolityce

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