Vincent Soler appears with a smile somewhere between melancholy and sly, a gaze that hints at a quiet defiance. Political decisions, as always, prove to be moving targets, and once again the names Soler and Vicent Ventura surface together. The two stand on the same side, among those who challenge power simply by existing in its path.
At the close of the Franco era, the young Soler entered politics alongside an experienced mentor, Ventura, a figure who was both politician and journalist. He encouraged a gathering of ten Valencians in a nursing home in Alaquàs in June 1975 to form the Democratic Council of the Land of Valencia. The meeting became a defining moment in the fight for democracy. The arrest and imprisonment of those ten activists spurred a mobilization that crossed borders and culminated in an amnesty shortly after Franco’s death. Vicent Soler and his mentor Ernesto Lluch were among those involved.
The centenary of Vicent Ventura’s birth is marked in 2024, a reminder that much of the past remains influential even as it recedes. This is notable because Valencian institutions have chosen not to publicize the occasion. Today, Vicen Soler returns to the public stage because the Government of Valencia, led by PP and Vox, moved to remove him from the presidency of the Social Council at the University of Valencia, a role he had held for a year. He had been appointed by the previous left-leaning administration to which he belonged.
The enduring question is why this change was made. The Ministry of Education, under the PP, cited a need to diversify leadership and broaden professional profiles. Critics can always be found for every decision. Yet this move has long carried social weight, as Soler has been seen as a bridge between the professoriate and wider society. In earlier PP administrations, the presidency was held by notary Carlos Pascual de Miguel and lawyer Manuel Broseta Dupré. Soler’s term was renewed during Ximo Puig’s first term, lasting until 2019.
Of course, leadership roles within public administration should be refreshed when political winds shift. New managers can implement new agendas with their teams, supported by the citizen vote. Still, there are positions that should remain above partisan frictions and deserve a measure of respect. From this viewpoint, the decision to remove Soler seems hard to justify. He is a former councilor and a respected socialist leader, and his critics in the education community are part of the conversation. Yet is that sufficient reason for dismissal? Perhaps not. Soler is also a professor of Economics with a solid career and a long history as an advocate for freedoms and regional self-government. If Carlos Mazón leads the Generalitat and JA Rovira is Education Minister, much of that leadership owes its shape to Soler and others who champion regional autonomy when there was little democracy or autonomy to defend.
The surrounding context feels provocative, with daily apocalyptic rhetoric and a sense that public life should de-escalate. True progress would begin with honoring the past and its symbols. The rest risks feeding a polarized and toxic climate from politics into society. Just as there are figures like Sorolla, Blasco Ibáñez, Fuster, Estellés, Ventura, Sanchis Guarner, Broseta, and even Casp who embody a shared history with its triumphs and mistakes, the society that represents them must acknowledge their legacies. The university concept also needs to stand firm in such moments.
As discussions about narrative and perception intensify, decisions such as Soler’s dismissal or the institutional neglect of Estellés and Ventura during their centenaries contribute to a message of sectarian governance backed by the left. The Consell is now controlled by PP and Vox. The PP line will claim Botànic’s educational policy is sectarian, and debate will continue to push from roof to roof. Rather than moderating public life, there is a risk of driving more extreme stances across society.