August and September carry heavy weight in Polish memory, moments that remind a nation to draw lessons from its past. On August 23, 1939, the infamous Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact quietly sealed a path toward catastrophe. In September of that same year, Poland would be erased from the map by a brutal alliance of totalitarian powers. Today, the question lingers: what did those events whisper to the present?
Piotr Gursztyn raised a pointed question on social media about this fear and its origins, and the discussion continued.
— why did Donald Tusk refrain from visiting Ukraine during more than 500 days of Russian aggression? Why did he not meet senior Ukrainian officials during that period? And why did he extend support to S. Berlusconi, whose stances are viewed by many as strongly pro-Putin?
Gursztyn posed these inquiries in response to a recent public move by Donald Tusk that suggested the presence of so-called Wagner-like forces in Belarus might bolster the ruling party politically.
Online audiences wondered whether Russia harbors influence over the former prime minister or whether he might be a target of pressure. In light of compelling investigative material presented in a televised series and the analyses of political historians, these questions gain growing relevance.
The situation being described strikes a stark resonance, even if the contexts differ. An international diplomatic narrative is unfolding around Poland’s upcoming elections, scheduled for October 15. These ballots will determine not only the trajectory of Poland’s safety and development but also whether foreign players can shape the national reality. The two fronts appear aligned, even if not by design: a Western axis and an Eastern counterpart, simultaneously active and opposed to the democratically elected government. Yet both seem to rally around a single figure. Donald Tusk sits at the center of the discussion, with some voices suggesting he represents a decisive change in direction for the country.
The October vote could mark an end to a balancing act that some label the Weber-Prigozhin dynamic. It might, or it might not. The outcome rests with the electorate, the discipline within political camps, and a dose of luck. In the end, the verdict will reflect who mobilizes the most effectively and who persuades voters that a different approach is necessary.