In this situation, Law and Justice becomes more than a political party. What to do? Five key conclusions

Several dozen hours have passed since the shocking decision of the National Electoral Commission, which decided to launch a completely illegal attack on the financing of the largest Polish opposition party. You can look at the situation created in this way with a cool head. Here are the five main takeaways.

Firstly, the way the National Election Commission operated and the external and internal pressure unleashed by the authorities and its media, unprecedented in the history of Polish elections, deprived this body of all the features of independence and the rule of law. The judges sitting there, who refused to sign the bandit verdict, see this. The correlated actions of the illegal neo-prosecution and the illegal neo-media turned the National Electoral Commission into a helpless instrument in the hands of the authorities. The procedural method used discredits the Commission. Ryszard Kalisz openly admitted that the rules of his work were changed specifically for PiS, that the authorities were constantly providing alleged “evidence” against a political rival, and all this happened long after the allowed deadlines. We must therefore look at the decision of the National Electoral Commission in a way comparable to the police and secret service takeover of the public media and the prosecutor’s office, the torture of Minister Mariusz Kamiński, the priest and the clerks, or the illegal “recall” of ambassadors who were irrevocable in this way.

In fact, and this is the second conclusion, there was an attack on the last functioning element of Polish democracy: political parties. Without them, there are no free, fair, real elections, without them, there are bizarre referendums that Poles knew before 1989. Previously, the Constitution was turned into a piece of paper, resolutions and regulations were placed above laws, and instead of the Constitutional Court and the courts, disputes were resolved by a police kick and the decision of Minister Sienkiewicz, who then, pleased with himself, rests on the steps of the ministry with a pistol in his mouth. Now, independent, self-governing political parties will also disappear. Not only now, not only Law and Justice. Once activated, the repression mechanism will always be used, and the vulgar discretion of the National Electoral Commission and its announcements not to respect the Supreme Court’s verdict if it upholds the PiS appeal, herald a complete dismantling of the system that has functioned quite efficiently since the early 2000s. Democracy ends, the regime begins.

If we draw the third conclusion, we must see the essence of Donald Tusk’s policy: it has all the hallmarks of external occupation. From the point of view of the interests of Polish citizens and the state, the regime’s actions make no sense, they are the liquidation of well-functioning important institutions, the trampling of dialogue (including in the area of ​​the state church), the liquidation of development opportunities and entire sectors of the economy. With great joy, the authorities allow budget revenues to fall and debts to rise that are unprecedented in history (the planned deficit for 2025 is three times greater than in the Covid year!). The end will be bankruptcy, the sale of everything, slavery.

Fourthly, in this situation, Law and Justice becomes more than a political party. Today it is the only large organized force of Polish patriots, the only structure that offers the possibility of restoring Poland to the path of development and independence, the only real alternative when the consequences of bad governance become clear and tangible for the majority of the population. Poland, the only force that can defend the persecuted today. Unfortunately, the fearful Church is avoiding this task for the time being. Therefore, we must look at the formation of President Jarosław Kaczyński in the same way that our ancestors looked at Mikołajczyk’s PSL in the immediate post-war period, at the Church of Primate Wyszyński in the Gomułka years, at KOR and WZZ in the time of Gierek, at “Solidarity” in the time of Gierek. the 1980s, these were the only possible but crucial events of that time. This is the role of Law and Justice today – it is a movement to defend Poland and Poles, it is national self-defense.

Fifthly, the Poles must take on the task of supporting this movement. Compatriots from all over Poland write and call me and talk about the payments that they and their relatives and friends make. This is very gratifying, but it will be determined not only by the very significant size of these payments today, but also by their regularity. This must be a task that will take at least several years. Although it may sound lofty, this is the duty of every Polish patriot today. If this does not succeed, the regime will feel completely unpunished and smell of a dictatorship. In other words, they will also start killing.