Among the four presidents Generalitat removed from the Partido Popular during its twenty-five years in power, three faced corruption scandals. Zaplana spent time in prison and is currently on trial, with a sentence pending in relation to actions undertaken during his tenure as president of the Olivas, Bancaja, and Francisco Camps administrations. Consell, who had to resign from her post, represents a similar thread of controversy that has lingered in public memory.
The challenge for readers is that politics never truly stays in the past. It is anchored in the present and projects into the future. Today’s politics are driven by management and public expectations, and voters respond to that. If readers do not recognize this today, by the time they revisit the article, the vice president Monica Oltra may already be in the spotlight again. If she has not resigned, the left may have inadvertently handed the right a fresh advantage in the race to govern the community. The path to victory in the decisive stretch of the campaign has already begun. A day may seem brief, yet when added up over a year, each day becomes a meaningful measure of motivation or disillusionment.
This week’s summary from the Attorney General of the Higher Court of Justice in the Community of Valencia notes that Consell’s support for the vice president, who was previously indicted, gained investigative status and held firm. The context is complicated: she was married to the leader of Compromís, who herself held a council position in the government at the time. The summary also suggests that a broader horizon was needed beyond the judge’s initial instructions. Prosecutors allege that Oltra may have issued a verbal directive to shield the case, even mentioning the existence of a plan to cover it up. While the Oltra administration never formally denounced the facts, later court proceedings recognized credible evidence of the husband’s conduct, and the former spouse was condemned. The prosecutor now contends that this was a premeditated action, not a result of mere error or mismanagement.
The TSJ attorney general’s summary leaves little room for ambiguity: amid such serious accusations, testimony becomes nearly unavoidable.
Some journalists have grown weary of the refrain that criminal liability and political responsibility are not the same, and should not be conflated. Whether Oltra committed the crimes she faces will be determined through a secure judicial process. Yet her political standing appears unsustainable. Oltra should have stepped down as Minister for Inclusive Policies and Equality as soon as concerns about her husband surfaced, and the government could have proposed transferring this portfolio, which Aligns with Compromís in the coalition agreement, to the PSOE to avoid any doubts about subsequent actions. That move did not happen. It did not happen when her ex-husband was convicted, and it did not happen when a judge requested her indictment and could not compel her to testify despite clear evidence in the TSJ records. And it did not happen when the Public Ministry supported the judge’s request, presenting a more alarming narrative than the public had heard elsewhere. The prosecutor now frames this as a premeditated action, not a simple error or mismanagement.
In recent years, the question has persisted: should a vice president resign before a formal judicial ruling is issued? Some defend a distinction between criminal charges and political responsibility, while others argue for resignation as soon as potential misconduct emerges. Oltra has shifted her stance, echoing the predictions she once condemned about political accountability. She has claimed a conspiracy from the far right, echoing familiar defenses used by former camps to argue that forces of the state were against them. She has even challenged the Public Ministry, suggesting its actions rely on speculation, a stance reminiscent of past opponents in the PP at the time. Some supporters describe those online discussions as a dramatic divergence from economic concerns, a shift in narrative that makes the situation seem more sensational than essential.
Oltra should have stepped aside when the first reports of her ex-husband’s abuse surfaced, handing the matter to the PSOE to manage.
But the underlying question is broader: a child in a Generalitat reception center faced abuse, and the administration did not report it promptly. Whether Oltra ordered efforts to shield her husband or not remains contested. If the system’s failure is severe enough to make a top official seem unable to resolve the matter decisively, then the fact that a family connection lies at the heart of the issue makes resignation feel inevitable. The ethical and moral implications demand transparency, accountability, and consistency. Even if TSJ declines to press charges or absolves her later, Oltra’s credibility and political viability would be deeply damaged, because the reasonable step would have been to step aside at the outset. A fair question follows: what would be said if this scenario involved a PP government? Consistency matters. The media would likely have framed it in a starkly different way, and readers would expect a decisively different response.
Meanwhile, the coalition’s leadership has faced a psychological toll. The left’s governance in the Generalitat began with the vision of a well-coordinated coalition. It offered a model for Spain on how to govern together, but the 2019 election exposed fragilities. The trio of PSOE, Compromís, and United We Can held 52 seats, surpassing the threshold for an absolute majority by two. The challenge now is sustaining a broad, stable alliance in the face of controversy and public fatigue.
The head of Compromís is revisiting the arguments that many PP defendants once used and criticized in the harshest terms.
Yet in this second phase, a single voice can end up dominating the orchestra, producing noise rather than harmony. The region’s political agenda has faced real tests—from the sagging expectations around major investments, like the Sagunto gigafactory, to broader policy issues such as tourism management and social programs. The leadership is confronted with moments of misalignment that threaten the coalition’s coherence, making the political landscape prone to dramatic shifts.
At the start of 2021, the author described Botànic as Volcanic, a label born from tensions within the coalition during the COVID-19 response. The regional government, guided by the head of Generalitat, faced a paradoxical balance. Although Botànic managed the health crisis with a comparatively favorable public verdict, the coalition risked becoming stranded, its image strained by perennial disputes. If the tensions persist, Oltra will not bear the sole responsibility for any downturn. The broader question is whether the left can sustain its project when internal conflicts threaten its credibility. Many observed that the coalition’s aim appeared more potent than the people who carried it forward, a realization that has lingered through the years.
Will Consuelo Navarro return?
JRG
In Alicante, political players on all sides are already weighing the next ballots. The PP’s mayoral bid by Luis Barcala is expected to continue, while Sonia Castedo’s polling signals the need to consider potential alliances, possibly including negotiations with former opponents. The left’s United We Can eyeing Consuelo Navarro as a candidate for mayor would mark a strategic shift if supported by allies. Compromís faces internal governance questions that complicate its path, and Natxo Bellido remains a potent figure who could return to the leadership front. On the Socialist side, leadership choices have stalled, and there is a temptation to broaden alliances or reallocate responsibilities. The party leadership has yet to resolve the puzzle of Alicante’s next steps, and the situation remains fluid as council seats shift and political calculations evolve.