state secrets

One of the most serious situations that Spanish democracy had to face was the pro-independence challenge of the Generalitat Government of Catalonia, which had the support of half the Catalan population and was then led by Carles Puigdemont. In the months before and after the failed attempt to make Catalonia a new independent state, there were some of the most serious street fights ever to be remembered in Spain. Groups specializing in street fighting of the pro-independence trajectory organized themselves to cause the greatest possible damage to street furniture, while trying to create a sense of utter chaos in the city of Barcelona. The government’s political leaders and government-subsidized satellite independence associations encouraged acts of violence to take place. “Apreteu Screweu” had a certain resonance.” From Quim Torra to the radicals of the CDR or Jordis climbing the top of a wrecked Civil Guard car, a megaphone in hand encourages an angry audience.

Remembering the images that can be seen in the news around the world, it is surprising that not a national police officer was killed. And in this context, the CNI, which has pre-judicial jurisdiction, conducted wiretaps whose sole purpose was to prevent acts of violence from being committed, violating the constitutional order, and ultimately causing personal injury. While the wiretaps were made to prevent crimes and avoid irreversible harm, at the same time, the Government began formal talks with the Catalan Generalitat to prevent future conflicts and place Catalonia in the constitutional system of the already existing autonomous communities. In itself, it creates strong doses of administrative and financial autonomy that have expanded over time. More than one person would be surprised if the Pedro Sánchez Government declassified all the information requested by parties like Esquerra Republican, as Defense Minister Margarita Robles said a few days ago, based on the information that will be made public. Proof of this are the bizarre conversations Puigdemont’s inner circle had with ambassadors of Vladimir Putin, who, thanks to journalistic investigations, met a few days ago.

Not surprisingly, the main opposition People’s Party did not miss the opportunity to once again attack Pedro Sánchez’s Government, ignoring the importance of certain issues for the country. The People’s Party, if it wants to come back to power, must dress up as a state party and help the country in matters that are fundamental to its citizens. He now agrees with his extremist and radical stance during the pandemic and Pablo Casado’s bright idea that he had to go to European institutions and speak ill of the Government to prevent aid from the European rescue plan for the pandemic reaching Spain. Statements and explanations regarding resignations and known issues have been in all previous Administrations. What so far has not been in the Pedro Sánchez Government is the use of the national police to cover up corruption, as PP did in the case. Kitchen and persecution from Luis Bárcenas’ highest State institutions.

The government is strained by threats from opposition groups to cut support for Sánchez and the People’s Party, which was founded in political hooliganism. The current president of the People’s Party, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, must be able to hold responsible opposition in matters of State, regardless of what the president of the Community of Madrid says. If Díaz Ayuso’s roots continue to be rooted in radicalism and resentment, it’s because he doesn’t know how to do anything else. Feijóo, however, must settle for his self-invented role of statesman and man of dialogue. This is the popular’s last attempt to become the center party: if the Spanish right fails, it will definitively fall into the radicalism that VOX’s far-right has been waiting for.