Rafal Trzaskowski, Warsaw’s Leader, Refugee Aid, and Democratic Frontline

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Baby face shouldn’t fool anyone. Before becoming Warsaw’s mayor, Rafal Trzaskowski served as a member of the European Parliament, held a ministerial post, and was a deputy in Poland. He ran for the Polish presidency in 2020, coming up short in the runoff by just a few points. Today he sits as the second figure in the opposition Civic Platform, a party steered by Donald Tusk. Trzaskowski, born in Warsaw in 1972, is described as a European, liberal, and confident democrat. In Barcelona this Tuesday, he accepted the European Construction Award from the Economy Circle for his efforts to shelter Ukrainian refugees in Warsaw and for championing the rule of law as a core civic value.

Following the outbreak of the Ukrainian war, Warsaw faced a substantial test as hundreds of thousands sought safety in the city. How does he assess the situation?

More than 1.5 million Ukrainians passed through Warsaw. The city welcomed 300,000 refugees in the first three weeks of the conflict alone. To give a sense of scale, about 200,000 people arrived in Europe during the Mediterranean crisis in 2015. Across the continent, while Warsaw absorbed 300,000 in three weeks, the response was overwhelming. Civil society opened its arms and many into their homes. It wasn’t just the work of a few; everyday people stepped up. He traveled to Kiev eight days before the war began. The mayor, Vitali Klitschko, warned that a large-scale conflict was possible. Still, no one could have anticipated the magnitude, and the city began planning for the moment it would hit.

I was in Warsaw last summer. Many warned of long-term problems and suggested some political groups would exploit the refugees. Have those fears come true?

We faced what could be called a fatigue syndrome. War pushed up food and energy prices, yet support for Ukrainian neighbors persisted. There were real difficulties in housing and education, but the scale of what was accomplished stands out. Ukrainians were granted citizenship, broad access to education, health care, and various benefits, and the city did its best to deliver these rights to those who needed them most.

The Polish government’s lack of a long-term plan drew sharp criticism. Did this gap affect the refugee response?

The government did not lay out a durable strategy. For example, about 70,000 Ukrainian children are linked to the education system, with roughly 20,000 enrolled in schools, and another 50,000 taking classes online. There was no centralized mechanism to verify all those numbers. When the war started, the mayor urged the Education Ministry for support and resources, arguing the city could not absorb tens of thousands of children without a proper plan. The response they received suggested the issue lay beyond the ministry’s remit, which underscored the need for broader coordination.

Do resources still exist to assist refugees?

Regardless of political changes, the city intends to keep helping. There is ongoing cooperation with the national government, but fiscal tightening has affected city funds. Tax reforms have reduced the resources available to cities, creating new financial pressures and pushing the city to seek support from the United States, the European Union, and UN agencies like UNICEF.

The Polish stance toward refugees from Syria contrasted sharply with its approach to Ukrainians, sparking questions about whether race or nationality influenced policy. Was color a factor for the government led by Mateusz Morawiecki?

That observation is valid. When mediating the Mediterranean crisis, I served as Minister for European Integration and argued against fixed quotas. The idea of rigid EU formulas did not work. We agreed to accept a solidarity-based number, but the subsequent government changed course. On the Belarusian border, the strategy was aimed at destabilization by external players, which forced drastic measures. The situation with Ukraine different; there was wide political consensus to help and keep borders open because Ukrainians were fighting for shared freedoms in Poland and Europe at large.

Did you observe xenophobia or racism guiding policy?

There was clear political rhetoric that stoked fear. During the Mediterranean crisis, opponents spoke of disease and danger, and right-wing voices claimed migrants would threaten local communities. Those messages shaped a broader fear about open borders and influenced public opinion in ways that sometimes harmed the discussion about humanitarian openness.

From the start, the sense was that Russia posed a threat to regional stability. After 15 months of conflict, has the perception of that threat shifted?

There is a sense of greater security thanks to unity and reliable US guarantees, yet the danger remains. Putin’s plans appeared unpredictable, and his miscalculation was evident: Ukraine showed courage, unity, and preparedness far beyond expectations. Europe and NATO responded decisively with military aid, funded in ways that reflected a broad commitment rather than a single nation’s choice. If anything, the episode proved that free societies can act decisively when confronted with aggression.

Did Russia’s conduct in the war surprise him?

Surprise wasn’t on the menu. Putin misread the resolve of the Ukrainian people and misjudged the capacity of his own military. A kleptocratic system can undermine modern force projection, especially when resources are diverted or misused and tactics remain stagnant. The result was predictable: an offensive that failed to achieve its aims, especially once civil resistance and international support intensified.

How might this war end?

That answer is hard to pin down. The hope remains that Ukraine will prevail, and the donors and allies should avoid dictating outcomes or timelines. The key is to support Ukrainian sovereignty and security, while Western partners ensure stable, durable assistance for the longer term.

Poland’s drift toward authoritarian tendencies has worried the EU for years. Is the country still a democracy?

Democracy remains, but it exists beside rising populism. The global trend echoes this pattern: leaders in other countries project similar pressures. The drive to erode judicial independence and reshape institutions is a shared challenge. A parliamentary inquiry into external influence in Poland has drawn attention to political games that test democratic norms and independent media. The concern is not unique to Poland; many European democracies face analogous pressures.

Would a special parliamentary court be a sign of democratic backsliding?

That would be a dangerous, unconstitutional misstep, a political ploy to sideline opponents and control public discourse. It would distort democratic processes and damage the rule of law by weaponizing institutions for partisan ends.

Hungary under Viktor Orban is described as less democratic than Poland. What stands out about that relationship?

Orban’s governance combines cynicism with a pragmatic approach to money and power. He frames policy around economic gains and electoral advantages, and his stance on sanctions reflects the heavy pressure from allies. The bottom line is that both countries face concerns about the strength of democratic institutions and the integrity of governance.

Is there a real risk of Poland leaving the EU?

There is a fear-driven undercurrent. Constant attacks on the rule of law and anti-EU rhetoric could push some to advocate severing ties. If that path gains momentum, it could trigger serious consequences for EU funding and broader cooperation. Some policymakers imagine a future outside the EU, while others warn that this would destabilize the region and the economy.

Would a referendum be the route to exit, or could it be a unilateral move?

A referendum is a plausible path, but the current climate plays into an anti-EU mood that could push parties to push such an outcome. The real danger is the normalization of anti-European rhetoric that aims to undermine long-standing alliances.

Barcelona and Warsaw often draw lessons from each other. Did Barcelona inspire Warsaw during the tenure as mayor?

Cooperation exists across networks, and cities learn from one another. Warsaw looks to Barcelona for ideas on greener living and sustainable mobility. The aim is to push public transport to the forefront and reduce car use in the city center, echoing Barcelona’s approach and translating it into Warsaw’s own urban strategy.

Yet there were suggestions that Ada Colau faced harsh criticism for certain measures, which led to electoral consequences.

Controversial choices are sometimes necessary to transform a city, tackle climate change, and curb pollution. Bold decisions can be divisive, but they are part of making a city healthier and more resilient. The central idea is to be brave and stay committed to improving urban life, even when it invites debate.

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