Polish lawmakers have rejected confidence in the ultra-conservative prime minister Mateusz Morawiecki, paving the way for pro-European figure Donald Tusk to return to power. Poland remains the fifth-largest economy in the European Union. Morawiecki’s party, Law and Justice (PiS), topped the last October general elections but secured only 190 votes in the Sejm support, four fewer than the party’s own tally. A total of 266 MPs opposed the confidence motion, signaling a clear opposition victory that united the Civil Platform (PO), Tusk and his centrist allies from Third Way, and the center-left. Together they held 248 seats.
Parliament’s Sejm vote was viewed as another step in what observers describe as delaying tactics from the hawkish PiS leader Jaroslaw Kaczynski to postpone relief. It was assumed that without a majority or reliable allies, the ultraconservatives would struggle to secure the needed endorsement. Tusk had already secured backing from partners who would join his government, and the chamber now faces a formal vote to approve his candidacy, followed the next day by a confidence vote in his administration, which has effectively operated since his team presented it last Friday. Tusk is anticipated to assume the role of prime minister next Wednesday. President Andrzej Duda, originally aligned with PiS, suspended party loyalty when he took office in 2015.
The distractions in PiS’s hands
The Sejm session occurred two weeks after Morawiecki was sworn in as head of a government with limited prospects. The atmosphere surrounding Poland’s transition—drama and delay—intensified after the October 15 election night. Moments after schools closed, Tusk lifted his arms in victory as he and his allies secured the necessary majority. Yet President Duda asserted that PiS was the party with the most votes and entrusted the task of forming the government to Morawiecki.
“Saying farewell to that team would waste money and time,” Tusk lamented. Polish media reported that PiS maneuverings included attempts to erase records of suspicious matters and to distribute favorable positions. Last week, 76 new judges were appointed, six from the Supreme Court, amid concerns about politicization of justice. This reform traces back to the judicial changes PiS began in 2015 and solidified during their eight years in power.
Duda pushed deadlines forward at each step. Regardless, Tusk has an appointment to be sworn in before Duda on Wednesday. The new Polish leader is expected to attend the upcoming European Union summit as Poland nears the Spanish presidency.
The decline of the far right in Europe
Poland steps away from the bloc of Eurosceptics and extreme nationalists in Eastern Europe, a group that PiS shares with Viktor Orban of Hungary. This divergence has complicated negotiations on immigration, human rights, and social standards. The eight-year PiS era has seen constant clashes over judicial reform and near-blocking of post-pandemic funds by the European Commission. Media harassment, restrictions on LGBTI groups, and tighter limits on legal abortion have also characterized the period.
Tusk, who led the Polish government from 2007 to 2014 and chaired the European Council until 2019, is expected to steer Poland back toward a pro-European course. The new government will still have to navigate the governance decisions signed into law by the PiS administration and coordinate with President Duda. The next presidential elections are set for 2025, and integration of judicial reforms under a different majority remains a central challenge.
On the same day, the Polish Constitutional Court signaled a stance to Tusk: after multiple delays, hours before the Sejm session, it issued a ruling on a daily fine of half a million euros tied to an obligation set by European Justice for the protection of the Constitution. The dispute involved a neighboring Czech republic lawsuit over a highly polluting coal mine. The court, seen as close to PiS, declared the sanction unconstitutional, meaning Poland under Tusk must halt the payments despite directives from Brussels.
Analysts note that PiS had eight years to reshape the Polish state. The incoming Tusk government faces a substantial challenge that will demand time to reverse persistent trends. Thomas Behrens, affiliated with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, highlights the political divides in the judiciary and media influence that will continue to shape Polish policy in the coming years.