Nova Gazeta emerged as a leading voice for independent journalism in Russia, launching in the mid-1990s with a mission to pursue truth even when authorities frowned upon it. The publication redirected prize funds toward newsroom tools, fostering rigorous, evidence‑based reporting on sensitive topics such as official corruption and covert ties between state power and violent groups. Across two decades, a number of journalists paid a heavy price for pursuing transparency, with several losing their lives in service of factual reporting. One reporter, a symbol of fearless investigation, was assassinated in a Moscow building in 2006. In the following years, editors and correspondents who believed in the paper’s mission sought asylum in nearby regions and started Nóvaya Gazeta Europa to sustain investigative work from abroad, while maintaining fidelity to core journalistic integrity.
The situation at home grew increasingly difficult for independent outlets. The question persisted: could Nóvaya Gazeta keep its investigative work alive under growing pressure?
Relative freedom over ownership helped the paper avoid the bankruptcy that overtook other independent media, including the last remaining independent radio station. For years, the newsroom demonstrated notable resilience, reaching a significant weekly audience. The final day of operation in Moscow arrived amid mounting risk. New information laws threatened anyone connected with Nóvaya Gazeta, even clerical staff, with severe consequences for revealing frontline realities. The team gravitated toward the Baltic region, ultimately establishing a base in Latvia. More than forty journalists departed, and the imprint Nóvaya Gazeta Europa was created. The team began posting on Telegram and aimed to reconnect with a Russian audience while broadening the mission to elevate pro‑European perspectives within Russia.
How would the project be financed?
Initial support came from a European fund linked to a broader network of press freedom organizations. The editors felt strong solidarity from peers across Europe. A fundraising campaign emerged to unite Russians in exile who sought independent reporting with Europeans who understood the importance of Nóvaya Gazeta and its legacy. Texts would be translated into English, with plans to expand into additional languages to cover costs. Maintaining payroll for dozens of journalists in a single month had once seemed impossible, yet the publication kept a reputation built over three decades of investigative journalism inside Russia.
What about reaching a Russian audience while avoiding censorship?
Some audience segments were lost as old online platforms could no longer be used. Nóvaya Gazeta Europa operates as a fresh publication with no formal ties to Nóvaya Gazeta beyond its journalists. There are two uncensored venues on the open internet: Telegram, which quickly attracted a sizable following, and YouTube, with tens of thousands of subscribers and growing. VPNs also play a role, since the new page faced blocking within days of its release in Russia. Rebuilding the audience will take time, but the commitment remains unwavering.
Do they intend to continue publishing research from Russia given the dangers?
Yes, that work remains the riskiest facet of the operation. Those embedded inside Russia operate much like partisan reporters who work without official accreditation, and their identities must be safeguarded. The team is estimated to number between a handful of core contributors.
Is Putin popular, according to public opinion?
Assessing public opinion in Russia is a nuanced matter shaped by long-standing social norms. Putin’s leadership is viewed by many as a force shaping a sense of national purpose, with a belief that the outside world does not fully acknowledge Russia. Analysts note that since the Soviet era, Russian society has become more depoliticized, prioritizing personal stability and quiet living. In this climate, many citizens choose to disengage from political strife unless it directly touches their lives. When conflicts endure and threaten families, some find propaganda easier to accept than dissenting options that challenge the status quo.
Could Putin resort to nuclear brinkmanship?
The regime has shown a willingness to leverage blackmail, energy dependencies, or nuclear threats, including scenarios related to strategic facilities. The Kremlin’s strategy remains unclear in terms of what it would achieve through such a move, but a nuclear incident would almost certainly escalate tensions and potentially draw allied responses, widening the conflict significantly.
Are there internal frictions within the Kremlin?
There is a perplexing dynamic: a search for blame as the war deviates from plans. The regime rests on the premise that those named by the president should not be punished. Secret services remember patterns of targeting enemies in past eras, but current leadership appears hesitant to repeat that approach. Still, some believe that a crisis of governance could invite a broader shift that might even include a change in leadership.