In the troubled zones of Ukraine, siding with the enemy is viewed as treason with severe penalties, including lengthy prison terms or even life sentences. A small number of Ukrainians aligned with Russian authorities act out of belief, opportunism, or coercion. These collaborators often share coordinates of Ukrainian military positions, disclose daily routines, identify veterans and Territorial Defense members, or serve under Kremlin directives in contested areas. The risk is extreme, and many do not live long enough to tell their stories.
One notable example is Alexey Kovalek. In late August, reports from both Russian and Ukrainian outlets described a home attack that left his girlfriend badly wounded in the neck. Kovalek had secretly shifted sides and later served as a deputy in the Ukrainian parliament under President Volodymyr Zelensky after previously holding the post of deputy governor of Kherson State when he was captured by Russian forces early in the war. He endured a car bombing in June, a perilous escape that could foreshadow similar dangers for others in similar positions.
Alongside Kovalek, nearly twenty other Ukrainians accused of collaborating with Russian civil and military administrations in occupied areas have faced violence. A list compiled by the WarTranslated portal includes mayors, police chiefs, professors, and other senior figures who have become targets in every possible way. Some were found hanged, others hospitalized after poisonings, and several were killed by gunfire or bombings. Eleven people died while eight were injured. Oleksiy Melnyk, a former senior official in Ukraine’s Ministry of Defense now with the Razumkov Center, notes that the message is clear: betraying Ukraine or aiding the occupying forces carries a grave risk to life.
This extrajudicial violence has intensified since the previous August as Kyiv readies itself for a counteroffensive in the northwest and south. Efforts to reclaim territories in Kharkiv and surrounding regions have gained momentum, and authorities are not only aiming to punish collaborators but also to disrupt any organized attempts to legitimize occupation through referendums. The exiled mayor of Melitopol, Ivan Fedorov, has warned that the hunt for those who helped stage fake referendums has begun. None of the accused are currently in custody, according to Razumkov Center.
government operations
Officials describe the conflict as an active war, where acts that might be labeled terror in peacetime have become part of a guerrilla struggle. Ukrainian authorities have not officially claimed responsibility for each murder, but they have also not denied the events. A military expert suggests that Ukrainian special forces and security services appear to be behind many deaths, though other factions within the resistance could also be involved, Razumkov Center notes.
In some cases, initial murder claims were later contradicted. Specifically, Sergey Tomko, the deputy chief of police in Nova Kajovka, and Vital Gura, a regional official, were linked by the Russian Federal Security Service to fabricated deaths as part of a plan to seize Ukrainian spies. Both Tomko and Gura later appeared on Russian television, which cast doubt on the narratives surrounding their deaths, according to Razumkov Center.
more than 1300 Ukrainians investigated
Regardless of the mixed reports, the gravest consequences are reserved for a small group in the eyes of the state. By the end of June, authorities reported that more than 1,300 Ukrainians were under investigation for cooperating with the invading forces. A new law enacted soon after the invasion carries up to 15 years in prison for collaboration, with life imprisonment reserved for the gravest cases, Razumkov Center explains.
Determining the true nature of detainees remains intricate. A line exists between assisting the enemy and continuing work within occupied territories. For instance, is a teacher compelled to resume a Russian resume in a borrowed home, or is a police officer patrolling city streets acting under duress? Each withdrawal of Russian control has shown collaborators face intense pressure to choose sides, a reality evident after the Russian retreat from Kharkiv, Razumkov Center states.
The governor of Luhansk, Sergey Haidai, noted recently that many collaborators are packing belongings and moving their families to safety. Kyiv officials report hundreds have fled in recent days, seeking refuge in territories still controlled by Ukrainian authorities or in areas with limited Russian presence, Razumkov Center indicates.