Six elephants gather in the late afternoon, some darker and smaller than their savannah kin, cooling off in a large water pool hidden by shrubs. Two playful puppies tumble and chase each other. The herd seems unaware of nearby danger. Above them, a chorus of birds fills the air with color and song, painting a peaceful scene amid the heat.
It reads like an oasis carved from the desert, part of the expansive W National Park in northern Benin. The protected area sits within the W-Arly-Pendjari Complex (WAP), spanning about 50,000 square kilometers across Benin, Burkina Faso, and Niger. It is Africa’s largest nature reserve, home to lions, cheetahs, and antelopes, once a magnet for travelers from around the world. Benin welcomed roughly 6,000 visitors annually, a figure that attracted many before recent events paused tourism. The national parks were closed two years ago, and the reopening date remains uncertain. The closures stem from Islamist groups using forested areas as safe havens for operations.
The first incident occurred in Benin in 2020 with the kidnapping of two French tourists. In December 2021, a Benin military patrol was attacked, and since then assaults have continued. More than 60 attacks by armed Islamist groups have occurred this year, resulting in over 50 deaths, including four park rangers and two drivers. In May, extremists killed at least 15 people and abducted a dozen residents in a northern town.
spread chaos
Jihadists are pursuing the spread of chaos already apparent in neighboring countries. The violence has touched Burkina Faso, Niger, and Nigeria, driven by militants aligned with the Islamic State (IS) and, more prominently, the Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimeen (JNIM). This umbrella group includes several militias tied to Al Qaeda and is adept at leveraging social networks and ethnic sensitivities. They have exploited land and water disputes between settled farmers and nomadic herders, positioning themselves as a source of authority and access to resources for the most vulnerable communities, offering social benefits in a way that undercuts state power.
This pattern mirrors a model JNIM has used in Mali and is now extending to neighboring nations. The ecological and social strains deepen disparities. “Land is becoming scarcer and water is increasingly contested due to climate change,” notes Ulf Lässing, head of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) office in Mali. “High birth rates, limited educational opportunities, and few employment options amplify tensions,” he adds.
The spread of jihadist influence across Sub-Saharan Africa presents a grave challenge. States like Chad, the Central African Republic, and Mozambique appear affected by the same trend. In Burkina Faso, Ouagadougou hesitates to confront the jihadists at the Benin border. As one Beninese official asserts, “Burkina Faso has surrendered control to the terrorists.” In response, Benin is ramping up defense readiness: recruiting new soldiers, upgrading equipment, and fortifying bases in threatened zones.
civic strategy
Experts emphasize that a purely military fix will not resolve the crisis. Local civic initiatives and community support are essential. Authorities regulate access to nature reserves while residents may gather honey and herbs and visit sacred sites. These practices help prevent recruitment by JNIM, reducing the appeal of insurgent networks among vulnerable communities.
Mango trees shade the parade ground of a northern Benin military base near Parakou, the region’s largest city. In the early morning, temperatures can approach 30 degrees Celsius. About 150 young men gather, hopeful to join the army. Benin plans to recruit around 2,000 new soldiers this year, with another 3,000 expected in 2024. The expansion is urgent as the current force of roughly 15,000 must monitor a vast border network spanning more than 2,000 kilometers with Togo, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Nigeria. A strong frontline is required to counter JNIM’s incursions in the north.
“I have always wanted to serve,” says 28-year-old Dieudonné, wearing a T-shirt bearing an American rapper’s image. “This is my chance to defend my homeland.” Simon, 24, spoken of his upcoming uniform, stands near the border town of Materi, ready to patrol toward Burkina Faso. “The city feels safe, but outside it is dangerous. As a civilian, danger is constant,” he notes. “Now I am ready to fight.” Public support for the military appears solid, given the brutality of JNIM’s attacks on civilians.
“I go to the forest every day to learn about terrorists,” remarks König Oumarou Iloutchoka of Atfakora, a local leader shown in a photo beside a lion, buffalo, leopard, and ostrich mural. He passes information to the military commander, describing terrorists as a disgrace. About 250 kilometers west, a helicopter surveys the Pendjari National Park and the related Arly base. While this area lies within Burkina Faso’s sphere, the Accra Initiative sees Benin as capable of curbing the spread of terrorism beyond its borders.
in armored vehicles
“Arly reached one of the earliest terrorist attacks in 2021,” explains commander Georges Kpovihin, noting the bullet holes in the base walls. “First the insurgents left bikes in the bushes to spy, then a drone appeared. After hours of fighting, many militants were eliminated. Only one soldier died,” he adds. The forces then fortified a key passage to Pandjeri’s reserve, where JNIM had previously struck villages. The situation has finally stabilized as a military base remains. Yet many shops remain closed. “The terrorists had a camp just four kilometers away,” Kpovihin says. “Now they are in Nadiagou, about 15 kilometers off.”
In the main square, women gather to collect water from a fountain built by the army. They speak in unison of hardships: schools closed, nurses absent at health centers, and the loss of husbands who left to defend the homeland. The cautionary tale echoes through the community—women recounting the days when violence pushed families to flee and, in some cases, mark a permanent absence.