Víctor Balaguer (1982), José Guardiola (1963), Salomé (1969), Peret (1974), José María Bacchelli (1981), Nina (1989), Sergio Dalma (1991), Beth (2003), Rodolfo Chikilicuatre (2008) , Manel Navarro (2017), Alfred García (2018), Miki Núñez (2019) and Chanel Terrero represent Catalan artists who carried the Spanish flag at Eurovision. They account for 20.96% of all entrants, making this autonomous community the one that has contributed the most names to the music competition. Andalusia (12), Madrid (11) and the Canary Islands (7) follow closely in representation.
In 2023, catalan representation returned after a long interval, with Siderland taking the stage. The question of who would perform on a particular Saturday remained in the air. Catalonia’s effort to export its culture to Europe has surfaced several times since the Catalan Audiovisual Media Corporation (CCMA) began operating in 1983, with TV3 sometimes steering national attempts from within its own broadcast landscape. Political dynamics around regional identity continued to shape the agenda for four decades.
EL PERIÓDICO DE ESPAÑA reached out to the European Broadcasting Union (EBU) to learn about the current stance. The response aligned with a long-standing position: participation is open only to stations that are members of the EBU. In that sense, RTVE remains the sole Spanish representative in the competition, and there were no plans announced to alter that rule.
The organization also indicated that further rapprochement between the two parties was unlikely under the existing framework. The 2019 decision still stands, and the prior initiative led by Núria Llorach, who was CCMA vice president at the time, remains a reference point. Earlier public commentary by Joan Granados in 1987 has also been cited in discussions about Catalan participation.
The leadership of the former Catalan Radio and Television Corporation (CCRTV) emphasized that national coordination documents were already moving to regulate international participation, though the wider picture showed limited momentum for a breakthrough. The 1998 nomination of Josmar Gerona to represent Catalonia in Birmingham signaled a notable, though controversial, moment for regional visibility in Eurovision.
El Terrat, a production house associated with a leading television figure, helped push Catalan culture into the spotlight in 2008 with Rodolfo Chikilicuatre. The program’s output mobilized resources to celebrate Catalan culture, even as some viewed it as a lighthearted television stunt. The cast and crew pursued broader exposure across Europe, hoping to elevate regional identity on a continental stage.
A comedian famous for a leather jacket and a distinctive look traveled to the United Kingdom to seek engagement with the EBU leadership. While the attempt did not succeed, it did generate considerable discussion and public curiosity about Catalan participation. In interviews, the artist reflected on the experience, noting that the moment helped shape a person’s approach and that lingering interest in Eurovision persists beyond the event itself.
Contemporary coverage from that era highlighted the tension between Eurovision ambitions and national political narratives. A notable figure in the discussion recalled Spain’s candidacy and the fact that the contest’s results often drew attention to regional voices within the country, sometimes fueling debate about broader autonomy movements in Catalonia.
Funding Andorra’s debut
The closest Catalonia came to Eurovision was in 2004, when Andorra financed its own debut. TV3 provided financial support to RTVA for the initial preselection, which focused on a Catalan-language entry. Marta Roure and Bis a Bis were the finalists, after a countrywide casting that included several Catalan musicians such as Jofre Bardagí, Astrud, Josep Thió, Natxo Tarrés and Jordi Vidal. The nine premieres aired across both channels, but only two songs advanced to the final stage: We will play to care for each other and soil. The jury included representatives from both regions, while viewers from both regions also had a say, ensuring cross-border involvement.
The winning duo, Marta Roure and We will play to care for each other, sparked great enthusiasm, filling a packed Camp Nou. However, the entry performed poorly at the festival, finishing eighteenth after receiving twelve points from Spain. This remained a rare instance of Catalonia’s direct participation in Eurovision, with subsequent editions being dominated by Andorra. The initiative did not continue beyond that period due to financial constraints and limited results. There were no new co-productions planned between the two broadcasters in the near term, with cost concerns and outcomes cited as barriers to future participation.
A lack of funding has also hindered ongoing involvement. Eurovision-Spain notes that the expense and mixed results have kept Catalonia from rejoining the contest in recent years. The record shows that the country never advanced to the final in those early attempts, with a brief exception when a different entrant achieved a higher placement. English-language entries were attempted in later years, but the overall effect remained limited.
A “negative” report
In 2013, a turning point arrived when the EBU revised its statutes to allow regional groups meeting certain criteria to qualify. Article 3.4 requires regional broadcasters to deliver a national-character service with the proper authorization from the jurisdiction. This criterion focuses on language presence within a multilingual state. While TV3 could have been eligible as a previously active member, a 2017 decision by Spain’s public broadcaster leadership denied the request. The committee labeled TV3’s status as regional in nature, effectively blocking participation under the rules at that time. Critics described the decision as a negative outcome for regional representation in Eurovision.
Public social media reflected the ongoing debate about Catalonia’s place in Eurovision. A notable figure wondered aloud about future participation, highlighting the broader political implications of the contest. Subsequent discussions in parliamentary settings reinforced a desire among regional stakeholders to be part of Europe’s largest music event. They framed Eurovision as a platform for international recognition that aligns with regional aspirations, a sentiment echoed by other nationalist movements in Europe.
By the end of the decade, the debate extended to comparisons with other regions that maintain special status within their national frameworks, such as Wales, Bavaria and Flanders. A 2019 letter from the Catalan authorities stressed the region’s constitutional status and its cultural reach, making a case for Catalonia’s cultural and linguistic prominence. The EBU reiterated its stance, and the CCMA’s position remained focused on potential integration, while acknowledging the financial and political realities that shape such decisions.
In September 2019, the EBU again rejected the membership bid. The organization reaffirmed that the current framework would not change, and Catalonia continued to explore alternative paths. A media inquiry seeking deeper clarification on prior attempts found that no further details were disclosed at that time. The dialogue underscored a persistent interest in Eurovision as a vehicle for regional expression within a national context, even as practical barriers remained evident. The broader story continues to inspire ongoing debate about how regions can engage with Europe’s iconic music platform, and whether future opportunities might emerge for Catalonia to participate in a reimagined form of the contest.