Chance urged that the hearing into the Nou d’Octubre assaults align with the broader concerns around housing and social tensions. The violence seen among the 28 defendants on trial for Catalan sovereignty actions echoed a level of social unrest in Valencia, not tied to a single year, but linked to the Nou d’Octubre events of 2017, the year of the independence referendum and the October 1 activities that preceded Valencia Day. This connection highlights the depth of social conflict that stretches beyond Catalonia and signals potential risks for the near future.
Spanish politics now resembles a Catalan hornet’s nest after six years, with Madrid continuing to influence most major decisions. The appointment of the head of government has grown more significant, along with the sovereignty debate that depends on votes from Catalan and Basque nationalist MPs to secure a majority. This dynamic forms the backbone of political behavior in these regions and within the national parliament.
Alongside loud calls for amnesty and self-determination, a practical trade-off begins to enter the debate. Within the discussions, there is talk of possible deals touching on the 2024 budgets and historical demands such as the transfer of Rodalies to Catalonia, hinting at long-standing fiscal and administrative concerns that shape policy directions.
The risk in this environment is the marginalization of other Spanish regions—Catalonia, Euskadi, Galicia, and Madrid—and, notably, the Valencian Community. This invisibility means certain historical goals are sidelined while the priority given to blocs whose votes are pivotal for government formation grows. The era since 2015 saw reference to a “Valencian oasis” and a Valencian agenda that echoed through Spanish forums, attempting to secure assets. In practice, gains were modest. The current parliamentary equation heightens the danger of Valencia being eclipsed.
At present, the regional model appears ripe for transformation, but it is not a universal aim among Valencian political actors. Reforms would seek broader civic participation and stronger regional voices, moving away from a hyper-centralized Spain. This has long been a goal of the left, which governed the Valencian Community from 2015 until last year, under Ximo Puig. Yet the Valencian right is shifting away from the left’s vision of a multinational Spain, at least in part, and away from nationalist movements’ ambitions.
There is a clear overlap in the state’s historical commitments to the Valencian Community, including past underfunding, burdens in healthcare staffing, and ongoing investments for displaced workers. The question now is how these issues will evolve as investment decisions unfold. They have not yet taken center stage and appear sensitive to broader debates over the country’s political model and conflicts between PP and PSOE. The risk is not only regional invisibility but also a risk that the Valencian agenda becomes detached from the main channel of resource distribution once again.
The president of the Generalitat, Carlos Mazón of the PP, acknowledged these risks in a recent interview with Prensa Ibérica. His proposal frames a bold attempt to “Valenciate” Spain, offering a candid approach to autonomy that emphasizes economic growth while avoiding ruptures and unnecessary demands. The aim is to present a pragmatic path that strengthens the region without destabilizing the federation.
Beyond explanations, Valencian politics unraveled during the final stages of leadership appointments, tied to the headquarters of major parties and lacking a coherent, collective strategy—at least for the moment.