When the Valencian Language Academy, known as AVL, began its work, it stood firm in its stance against questions about the normative standards of Valencian. A minister had challenged the Academy, and the Consell initially rejected it after Llanos Massó, president of the Corts Valencianes, argued that the value lay in Puig’s separatist norms, which later inspired the Valencian Royal Academy of Culture. There was no controversy. The AVL set the normative standard for Valencian, and its leaders acknowledged that a long-simmering identity dispute, dormant since the AVL’s founding, had resurfaced as a milestone in what some describe as an artificial effort to pacify conflict in this political landscape. This is the view of those who shaped the early framework of the AVL.
In the wake of José Antonio Rovira’s first controversial statements, who served as the AVL’s first president from 2001 to 2011 and admitted that the AVL does not hold the absolute truth about Valencia, Ascensió Figueres of Castellón told this newspaper that the AVL’s regulatory authority cannot be questioned because it is enshrined in the Statute of Autonomy of the Community of Valencia. After Rovira spoke, Massó returned to the discussion this weekend.
Figueres recalled that the AVL’s creation aimed to establish a single, agreed norm in which all linguistic sensibilities could be represented. Reaching that consensus required considerable effort and many resignations, leading to a pacified conflict. He noted that reopening the debate after 22 years was not the most prudent course of action for the institution, which had already marked a turning point in Valencian linguistic policy.
The AVL, born from a pact between political forces, chaired by the former president and approved by the leaders of the regional government, is responsible for the use and defense of Valencian. It oversees naming conventions, organizational structure, and the adaptation of texts produced by public bodies to align with its language regulations, ensuring official material reflects the community’s normative standard.
Rafael Alemany, a philologist from the University of Alicante who helped establish the AVL, emphasized the legal obligation of administrations to use the single Valencian normative, the AVL standard. Deviating from this would go beyond what the law allows, he stated, underscoring the regulatory framework that guides official practice.
As a statutory body, the AVL holds regulatory authority that private entities do not possess. Whether one favors it or not, the organization remains the reference point. Those who disagree have the option to seek changes through the Code, according to Villalonga, a former minister who also questions whether the new Consell is truly challenging the AVL’s authority. The central point remains: the law governs, and administrations are expected to comply with AVL regulations, protected by the founding law that anchors Valencian governance. The idea is to play the game rather than distract from broader issues.
Risk of returning to old divisions
Beyond legalities, Villalonga and Alemany warn about the social risks tied to renewed battles over language. The AVL echoed this concern in a recent statement. It stressed that the issue had been resolved and blamed the revival of tensions on factors that had not contributed to progress. The institution noted the creation of the AVL had closed a debate that had dragged on for decades, and its leaders lamented the reappearance of splits that seemed unnecessary.
Alemany described moves by the PP and Vox to revert to earlier tactics as political theater and warned that such approaches amount to playing with fire. He noted that representatives from opposing sides had put real effort into finding common ground and had achieved a peaceful social outcome with a practical, sensible approach. The stated goal, he suggested, is to maintain social harmony without reopening old misunderstandings that could spark new conflicts. [Source: University studies on Valencian language policy]