A few hours after Francina Armengol proposed allowing all common official languages of the State to be spoken in Congress, it became clear that this issue would ignite controversy in the Valencian Community. Armengol listed Catalan, Basque, and Galician, a move that drew sharp reactions from the PP Council and Vox, which issued a corporate statement in Valencia condemning what they called a new neglect of Valencian identity.
In the ensuing turmoil, and with an eye toward defusing a fresh language confrontation, Socialist leader Ximo Puig and Armengol negotiated a practical compromise. The idea centered on a dual Catalan-Valencian governance approach. Yet the proposed naming and linguistic framework failed to win over leaders like Carlos Mazón and, more critically, Catalan independence groups that champion not only a single language but also its distinctive naming conventions.
Confronted with a potential setback to a major Socialist bid to secure the presidency of the institution, socialist and republican negotiators settled on a general formula designed to guarantee the use of official languages, including Valencian, while avoiding a broader confrontation about language labels. They also steered clear of provoking linguistic sensitivities in other languages that lack official status, such as Asturian or Aragonese.
Specifically, the draft amendment to the regulation states that the speaker may address the chamber in any language that holds official status in any autonomous community, in accordance with the Constitution and the relevant Statute of Autonomy.
Naming controversy
In plain terms, the proposal enables the use of any official language while also focusing on the naming issue. Valencian is treated as a regional term tied to the larger Valencian Community, and thus falls within the scope of the reform. Supporters within the PSPV welcomed the proposal, arguing that it reforms the Chamber’s charter to safeguard Valencia and to provide coverage for any official language without harming anyone.
From the moment Armengol announced the plan, it was evident that Socialist determination had clarified that Valencian could be used in Congress. Avoiding a broader clash fueled by Consell criticism helped keep the debate contained for the moment. Compromís suggested that the discussion should be revisited, asking who would actually use this right in Congress.
Coalition sources noted that only three deputies from the Compromís-Sumar bloc spoke Valencian during the Cortes’ founding plenary session, illustrating a wider discrepancy between language policy and daily political practice. In the Consell, the reception was more cautious, though the new approach avoids condemning the term ninguneo in the corporate statement. The Valencian language is treated as equal to any other official language recognized by the Statute of Autonomy of any region.
Presidential sources expressed skepticism about the proposal. The entourage of President Carlos Mazón warned that negotiations with ERC on language issues have not historically benefited the Valencian Community. They also noted that the outcomes of past deals and the silence of Ximo Puig and Compromís have affected Catalonia in ways that remain contested. Still, they emphasized the importance of fully understanding the content of the arrangement before making a final judgment. The language question, they added, should be considered in the context of the broader Valencian identity and its distinctive features.
At present, the plan remains a draft. However, insiders in Madrid indicated that the parties intend to move forward quickly. A long-term possibility on the horizon is allowing minority languages to be spoken during plenary sessions at the national level, a move that would hinge on broader political calculations. The failure of Alberto Núñez Feijóo to secure the candidacy has influenced the tempo of these discussions and their potential timing.
Another key issue to resolve is when the use of official languages will be permitted. In the Senate, languages have been allowed since 2005, but only in motions of no confidence presented in plenary. Parliamentary sources suggested that this rule is understood, yet there is a sense that what applies in Madrid may not automatically apply in Valencia. Observers expect that the upper house will serve as a reference point, but the practical application in Valencia may still be limited as the language framework evolves.
Ultimately, the debate centers on how to balance linguistic rights with regional identity, while avoiding unnecessary friction with national and regional actors. The question remains whether Valencia’s linguistic landscape can be harmonized with Spain’s broader constitutional framework without sidelining its own language heritage. The discussions in Madrid and Valencia continue to unfold, with the aim of crafting a workable approach that respects official status, local identities, and the political realities of a divided landscape. The coming weeks are likely to reveal how far the parties are willing to go to ensure that Valencian and other official languages are used in official settings, without compromising unity or provoking further disputes about naming conventions.