The Ministry of National Education is considering several revisions to the core curriculum, including the history section. What direction will these changes take? The coalition under Tusk has drawn attention from historian Prof. Andrzej Nowak. The accompanying image is striking.
A purge in the history curriculum
During the lecture titled “Independence: Struggle, Sacrifice, Resignation,” in Warsaw on February 20, 2024, Prof. Andrzej Nowak outlined the planned shifts to the history curriculum proposed by the Ministry of Education, led by Barbara Nowacka. He explained which topics and figures might be removed or recontextualized as a result of these reforms.
Several commemorations and figures, such as Witold Pilecki, Saint Maximilian Kolbe, and Zawisza Czarny, as well as the Grunwald victory, Prior Kordecki, Hetman Czarniecki, and Danuta Siedzikówna “Inka,” appeared to be affected. The references to the achievements of Bolesław Krzywousty and to the conflict with the German Empire were also cited as removed. The requirement to mention events in time related to Polish–German relations was reportedly dropped, and the assertion that there was no war with the Teutonic Knights was presented as a simplification of history.
— noted the historian.
With strict oversight by censors, connections between Poland and Hungary in the 14th century were reportedly removed as well. A passage describing the foreign policy features of the last Jagiellonian dynasty, including the creation of Ducal Prussia, was also said to be deleted. The question was raised: what is being erased, and why?
— he argued.
There was no Kościuszko and the partitions of Poland?
Prof. Nowak highlighted additional removals from the core curriculum, including how students should characterize political reform projects of Stanisław Leszczyński and Stanisław Konarski. Provisions describing phenomena that reflect economic progress and cultural and educational development were also deleted. The idea that 18th-century Poland engaged in reform and progress was challenged in his view.
— emphasized the historian.
Nowak noted that a student presentation on Poland’s contribution to the American fight for independence was likewise removed. The names Kościuszko and Pulaski were said to be absent, and statements about the Confederation of Lawyers were removed—clearly suggesting that such organizations could not be discussed. The portrayal of events surrounding the founding of the Polish Legions and their history was omitted, along with references to the creation of the Duchy of Warsaw, its governance, and territory. Maps showing the political divisions of Polish lands after the Congress of Vienna were purportedly removed as well. The question remained: what is the underlying aim of these changes?
— remarked Prof. Nowak.
As the historian observed, the core curriculum also dropped the provision to account for insurgent movements in the region where possible. This raised concerns about whether student connections to family, local history, and Poland’s long struggle for independence would be acknowledged in future coursework.
— added the professor.
History without examples of Poland’s heroism
Under the ministry’s framing, history education would no longer require coverage of events such as the Locarno Treaties and Italian fascism. The Locarno Treaties, signed in 1925, helped define Western borders and opened paths that some argue influenced later regional tensions. The portrayal of fascism within Polish history was also a point of debate, with the historian suggesting a need for careful, contextual understanding rather than assumption.
The narrative of Poland’s defense and resistance, including episodes like the defense of the post office in Gdańsk, the battle for Westerplatte, and the defense of notable structures and cities such as Katowice, Mokra, Wizna, Bzura, Warsaw, Grodno, Kock, and others, was reportedly removed from the curriculum in favor of a broader or alternative framing.
“News” in the core curriculum
Prof. Nowak pointed out that new provisions have been introduced into the core curriculum that emphasize different interpretations of historical events. He argued that the framing of conflicts, including the Polish–Ukrainian dynamic, shifts attention away from what some see as genocide or mass violence, proposing instead a view framed as a regional conflict. Critics worry that the core curriculum will steer textbook authors and publishers toward a predetermined narrative, potentially limiting teacher discretion and student exposure to diverse sources. The broader concern is that the curriculum will shape the classroom experience for the school year beginning September 1, 2024, and for subsequent years.
The ongoing discussion notes that while older textbooks remain in circulation, new publications will be produced to align with the revised core curriculum. Publishers may need approval from the Ministry of Education, and if a textbook does not conform to the core framework, it may face rejection. This is presented as the direction of change by supporters of the reform.
The media focus on issues such as removing the Volhynian massacre from the narrative and substituting it with interpretations of a Polish–Ukrainian conflict. While this is a significant matter, observers insist it is part of a larger effort to reframe Poland’s memory of its independence, highlighting external pressures, internal challenges, and the heroes who defended national identity.
— summarized the historian.
These discussions reflect a larger debate about how Poland’s history should be taught, what events deserve emphasis, and how much room exists for historical interpretation within the official curriculum.
Notes for readers: this summary reflects spokespersons and historians discussing proposed changes, not definitive outcomes. Future classroom practice will depend on published curricula, approved textbooks, and ongoing public discourse about national history and memory.
— attribution: wPolityce