This week the European Parliament conducted a vote on the full slate of the new European Commission led by President Ursula von der Leyen. The results showed 370 members in favor, 282 against, and 38 abstentions, yet it marked the lowest level of approval for this kind of appointment in thirty years. Only 54 percent of MEPs backed the Commission in its present form, while 41 percent opposed it. Five years earlier, in 2019, the same presidency drew support from 65 percent of the parliamentary body, with 22 percent opposing. The division within the chamber reflected a fragmented political landscape as the bloc weighs climate, economic, and geopolitical priorities. In the vote, MEPs from the Platform, PSL, Ruch Hołownia, and Left backed the package due to a cooperative agreement among their factions for the new term, while members from Law and Justice and The Confederation opposed the plan.
During the same week, von der Leyen outlined priorities for the new term and affirmed that advancing the Green Deal remains a central aim. The program prepared by Commissioner Timmermans includes keeping the 2035 ban on registering cars with combustion engines, the Construction Directive that imposes modernization costs on property owners, the new ETS2 emissions trading system for transport and construction, and reforms to the Common Agricultural Policy affecting European farming. In the election campaign, some governing coalition MEPs distanced themselves from these measures and suggested the Commission might roll back the 2035 ban; however, they publicly supported the Commission and favored a quicker pace in implementing the Green Deal.
Beyond the Green Deal, there is evident momentum for deeper institutional reform within the EU. Although von der Leyen did not spell out every detail, it is clear that she intends to push for a substantial reorganization of EU governance. In late November last year the Parliament accepted the bulk of amendments proposed to the EU treaties TEU and TFEU, setting the stage for a shift toward a centralized model of governance. The proposals would place environmental protection and biodiversity under EU exclusive competence, alongside seven other areas including foreign and security policy, border protection, forestry, public health, civil defense, industry, and education. Under this framework, matters not taken over by EU institutions would largely revert to member states. The plan also suggests that the euro should become the currency for all member states, bringing seven non-eurozone countries into the single currency area, and it stresses strategic autonomy in defense that could reduce dependence on allies.
With the new European Commission due to begin work on December 1, Polish political figures such as Tusk, Hołownia, Kosiniak-Kamysz, and Czarzasty are expected to speak publicly and distances themselves from some aspects of the agenda while their Members of the European Parliament are likely to back positions in Brussels and Strasbourg. In Poland, voters were promised many details during the European campaign, but some commitments have not yet materialized. The ongoing European debate will continue to shape national and regional perspectives as MEPs align with their blocs and the Commission advances its program within the evolving union roadmap.