Małgorzata Paprocka from the Chancellery of the President underscored a key constitutional point: in the second constitutional step, the Sejm, not the President, holds the decisive power to appoint or reject a prime minister. She stated that Prime Minister Morawiecki’s government must request a vote of confidence from the Sejm by next Monday. If the motion fails, the process advances to the second constitutional step, where parliamentarians, not the president, nominate the candidate for prime minister.
Paprocka referred to the partial report from the committee examining Russian influence in Poland, highlighting its significance in public discourse.
The president had actively supported the creation and operation of a commission focused on Russian influence, she noted. The partial report represents a crucial element in ongoing public debate about this issue.
She explained that should there be no vote of confidence in Morawiecki’s government, the president does not determine the government’s composition. The Sejm bears responsibility for the government’s election. In practical terms, the government and the prime minister are chosen by the Sejm, not by the president. The question at stake is one for parliamentarians, not a presidential decision.
In the second constitutional step, the president’s role is limited to appointing a government that has been elected by the Sejm, she remarked.
Asked whether the president would nominate Donald Tusk in the first constitutional step if the Civic Platform won the election and the president already had the commission’s recommendations on Russian influence, Paprocka recalled President Andrzej Duda’s remarks from an interview with a weekly magazine. The president had initially used language suggesting that Donald Tusk would not be considered as a presidential candidate for the current moment, a point she noted would likely be weighed in the official calculus.
Platform settlements
Paprocka then commented on proposals to alter the Constitutional Tribunal and the National Council for the Judiciary through parliamentary resolutions. Clear signals emerged in public debate about the constitutional invalidity of such measures. This includes resolutions related to judges of the Constitutional Court or appointments to the National Council for the Judiciary.
She emphasized the need to understand the electoral context and the difference between campaign rhetoric and the responsibilities of those seeking the highest offices. Changes to the law must follow established constitutional processes and be agreed upon by authorities and society. Resolutions do not carry universal binding force, and the terms of office for constitutional bodies cannot be shortened by simple resolutions.
She added that the discussion during the election campaign occasionally featured extreme statements aimed at energizing the electorate, yet the reality is different for those pursuing the state’s most important roles. The rule of law must be upheld, and any legal changes should proceed through legitimate constitutional channels.
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